the politics of public space

2004-08-08 Thread Mohammad Maljoo
Tehran's book fair: the politics of public space
By Kaveh Ehsani
The Daily Star
Saturday, August 07, 2004
For 10 days in May the 17th Tehran International Book and Media Fair was
held in two dozen hangar-like buildings at the capital's vast and pleasant
International Fair Ground. Since 1998, after the reformist Mohammad Khatami
was elected president, the annual fair has become Iran's largest public
event, regularly attracting more than 2 million visitors a year, nearly as
many as make the Hajj pilgrimage. This year some 2200 domestic and 1200
international publishers from 39 countries displayed 250 thousand titles.
Full at:
http://www.dailystar.com.lb/article.asp?edition_id=10categ_id=21article_id=7029
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Re: Changing Sex, Changing Islam

2004-08-03 Thread Mohammad Maljoo
An interesting piece! Apart from Islamic Rules, the body politics issue in
Iran has its origin mostly in the cultural codes of behavior. There are many
irreligious peoples who can’t consider changing sex as a normal phenomenon
because of their cultural roots. For example, you can’t believe that how
much I myself as an Iranian man goggled when a few years ago I discovered
that Mr. Donald McCloskey has became Mrs. Deirdre McCloskey or that how much
is exclamatory now that I am reading her _Crossing: A Memoir_. These
wonderments have not their origin so much in religion (I have no religion)
as in the cultural background. Therefore, it seems to me that the obstacles
in the changing sex in Iran are in the society itself rather than in
political scene in which the theocratic government is dominant. Of course,
this is not the case for Hijab as an incarnation of Islamic body politics in
Iran.
M. M.

Changing Sex, Changing Islam (In Iran, transsexuals, changing sex,
have been changing Islam as well, under its still theocratic
government):
http://montages.blogspot.com/2004/08/changing-sex-changing-islam.html.
--
Yoshie
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Re: Newsday: Iran wanted US to invade?

2004-05-23 Thread Mohammad Maljoo
That is  bazaar class, farsi racism and mini imperialist ambitions, which
goes to show that the real reasons behind the rise of the mullahs and the
iraqi iranian war was a resurrection of the farsi nationalism.
A few meaningless words!“Bazaar class”? “Farsi racism”? “resurrection of the
farsi nationalism”? What are these at all? The mullahs in Iran are a
continuation of Arabian fundamentalism with other mask. “The real reasons
behind…the iraqi iranian war” can be found in Saddam phenomenon rather than
the illusory “resurrection of the farsi nationalism”.
MM
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a quick query

2003-09-23 Thread Mohammad Maljoo
A quick question: who are the main figures in post-woshington consensus and
where can I find some of their stuff online? Thanks in advance, Maljoo
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Soroush interview

2003-08-14 Thread Mohammad Maljoo
Only in a few countries could a philosopher of science be seen as an enemy
of the state. Abdolkarim Soroush, one of Iran's best-known intellectuals,
argues that science cannot progress under totalitarian regimes. His greatest
crime is to suggest that this is a legitimate Islamic view. After six
years in exile, Soroush bravely returned to Iran last week. Ehsan Masood
spoke to him on the eve of his departure:
http://www.newscientist.com/opinion/opinterview.jsp?id=ns24081

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Fwd: game

2003-02-26 Thread Mohammad Maljoo
http://idleworm.wolffelaar.nl/nws/2002/11/swf/iraq2.swf



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Re: RE: re: What is wrong with the mainstream economics?

2003-02-14 Thread Mohammad Maljoo
Frederic wrote:

For all those who are interested in what is wrong with neoclassical 
economic theory should read Steve Keen's book, Debunking Economics.

He is right. Keen has successfully spent his book debunking neoclassical 
economics.   But Keen   himself starts on the wrong foot. His critiques are 
based on logic, while the hegemony of NE is based on sociological aspect: 
that's the question.

Mohammad Maljoo






From: Lee, Frederic [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Reply-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Subject: [PEN-L:34739] RE: re: What is wrong with the mainstream economics?
Date: Fri, 14 Feb 2003 08:52:20 -0600

For all those who are interested in what is wrong with neoclassical 
economic theory should read Steve Keen's book, Debunking Economics.  If you 
want a critique that is directed at neoclassical micro see the attached 
paper.  There are many ways to show that neoclassical micro is 
incoherent--internal critiques, external critiques, empirical critiques--to 
easily conclude that it should be completely dismissed.

Fred Lee



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US public opinions of other countries

2003-02-10 Thread Mohammad Maljoo

What do Americans think of other countries? Here's a Gallup poll.
by Frank Newport
GALLUP NEWS SERVICE

Full text at
http://gallup.com/poll/releases/pr030210.asp





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Lula Brazil

2003-01-07 Thread Mohammad Maljoo

According to Financial Times, Luiz Inácio Lula on Friday postponed a US$750m 
defence programme  to use the defence funds in famine fight ( I can't access 
FT). Does anyone know anything about it?

Mohammad Maljoo







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Re: Mass arrests of Muslims in LA

2002-12-19 Thread Mohammad Maljoo
The question is which nationality, race, group, or religion is next.

Mohammad Maljoo







From: Yoshie Furuhashi [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Reply-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
CC: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Subject: [PEN-L:33230] Mass arrests of Muslims in LA
Date: Thu, 19 Dec 2002 12:17:45 -0500

BBC News World Edition
Thursday, 19 December, 2002, 11:37 GMT
Mass arrests of Muslims in LA

Families protested against the detention of relatives US immigration 
officials in Southern California have detained hundreds of Iranians and 
other Muslim men who turned up to register under residence laws brought in 
as part of the anti-terror drive.

Reports say between 500 and 700 men were arrested in and around Los Angeles 
after they complied with an order to register by 16 December.

The Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) is refusing to say how 
many people were arrested but said detainees were being held for suspected 
visa violations and other offences.

The arrests sparked angry protests in Los Angeles by thousands of 
Iranian-Americans waving banners which read What's next? Concentration 
camps? and Free our fathers, brothers, husbands and sons.

Official radio in Iran also reported the arrests and the protests, which it 
said were mounted by families of the detainees who converged on Los 
Angeles.

Deadline

Under the new US immigration rules, all male immigrants aged 16 and over 
from Iran, Iraq, Libya, Sudan and Syria had to register with authorities by 
Monday unless they had been naturalised as citizens.

Immigrants from other mainly Muslim states have been set later deadlines 
for registration.

Community groups said men had been arrested in Los Angeles and nearby 
Orange County as well as San Diego.

California is home to about 600,000 Iranians who have been living in exile 
since the 1979 Islamic revolution.

One of the Iranian-American demonstrators in Los Angeles, Ali Bozorgmehr, 
told the French news agency AFP that his community was being targeted 
unjustly.

All Iranians that live in America are hard-working people... They love 
this country and all... are against terrorism, he said.

'Shocking'

Ramona Ripston, executive director of the Southern California chapter of 
the American Civil Liberties Union, said the arrests were reminiscent of 
the internment of Japanese-Americans during World War II.

I think it is shocking what is happening, she said.

We are getting a lot of telephone calls from people. We are hearing that 
people went down wanting to co-operate and then they were detained.

Islamic community leaders said many detainees had been living, working and 
paying taxes in the US for up to a decade and had families there.

Terrorists most likely wouldn't come to the INS to register, said Sabiha 
Khan of the Southern California chapter of the Council on American Islamic 
Relations.

She said the detainees were being treated as criminals, and that really 
goes against American ideals of fairness, and justice and democracy.

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/2589317.stm
--
Yoshie

* Calendar of Events in Columbus: 
http://www.osu.edu/students/sif/calendar.html
* Anti-War Activist Resources: 
http://www.osu.edu/students/sif/activist.html
* Student International Forum: http://www.osu.edu/students/sif/
* Committee for Justice in Palestine: http://www.osu.edu/students/CJP/


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Re: Re: Re: economy in novels

2002-11-15 Thread Mohammad Maljoo
Also, see . Bruna Ingrao, “Economic Life in Ninteenth-Century Novels: What 
Economists might Learn from Literature,” in Guido Erreygers (ed.), 
_Economics and Interdisciplinary Exchange_ (London and New York:
Routledge, 2001).

Mohammad Maljoo







From: Michael Perelman [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Reply-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Subject: [PEN-L:32216] Re: Re: economy in novels
Date: Thu, 14 Nov 2002 09:35:15 -0800

Stephen Hymer's Monthly Review article on Robinson Crusoe is an excellent
example of using novels to teach economics.
--
Michael Perelman
Economics Department
California State University
Chico, CA 95929

Tel. 530-898-5321
E-Mail [EMAIL PROTECTED]



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Re: Re: Re: Iran prof. persecuted

2002-11-14 Thread Mohammad Maljoo
The sentence is symbolic as well as ridiculous. Aghajari had brilliantly 
resorted to the more or less identical argument that had been used by Marx: 
religion is the opium of both the people and state. Aghajari had criticized 
the Islamic principle of emulation (Taqlid) from religious leaders, arguing 
that the people are not monkeys to emulate.

Mohammad Maljoo







From: ken hanly [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Reply-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Subject: [PEN-L:32186] Re: Re: Iran prof. persecuted
Date: Wed, 13 Nov 2002 12:36:15 -0800

If this fellow is sentenced to death how is that he is also sentenced to
exile and banned from teaching for ten years? Is he allowed to return from
the dead to teach as long as he doesnt insult Islam?

Cheers, Ken Hanly


- Original Message -
From: Mohammad Maljoo [EMAIL PROTECTED]
To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Sent: Wednesday, November 13, 2002 9:55 AM
Subject: [PEN-L:32149] Re: Iran prof. persecuted


 Several days ago, a court in Iran has sentenced university professor
 Aghajari making comments during a student gathering to death for 
allegedly
 insulting Prophet Mohammad.The local court has further sentenced 
Aghajari
to
 exile in desert cities of Tabas, Zabol and Gonabad and banned him from
 teaching for 10 years!!! The death sentence issued against the 
university
 him, too, has outraged the university students across Iran, who have 
been
 taging strike after strike in protest against the verdict. The majority 
of
 Iranian parliament members, too, have seriously condemned the verdict, 
and
 Parliament Speaker called the death penalty against him a shame for the
 country's judiciary system. Also two of Hamedan Constituency MPs 
presented
 their letters of resignation to show their objection to the verdict 
issued
 by their constituency's court. It is comparable with verdicts issued by
 Middle Ages courts in Europe.Of course, this event must be considered as 
a
 serious war between two dominant parties in Iran.The sentence is backed 
by
 religious leader as a private reprisal.

 Mohammad Maljoo







 From: Devine, James [EMAIL PROTECTED]
 Reply-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
 To: Pen-l (E-mail) [EMAIL PROTECTED]
 Subject: [PEN-L:32145] Iran prof. persecuted
 Date: Wed, 13 Nov 2002 07:58:14 -0800
 
 from SLATE: ... the growing student protests in Iran
 over the death sentence given a prominent professor convicted of
 insulting Islam. (The professor, who's close to Iran's reformist
 president, had publicly said that people should be allowed to
 interpret Islam as they see fit.) 
 
 Does anyone know anything about this case?
 
 is it simply that antagonism toward profs is universal? ;-)
 
 Jim Devine [EMAIL PROTECTED]   http://bellarmine.lmu.edu/~jdevine
 
 


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Fwd: How Saddam keeps power in Iraq

2002-10-19 Thread Mohammad Maljoo



Le Monde diplomatique

-

October 2002

THE PATH TO WAR

How Saddam keeps power in Iraq
___

Although Iraq has agreed to let UN weapons inspectors back
into the country, the United States still seems determined
to topple President Saddam Hussein's regime. So far, he has
defeated all internal opposition and maintained his grip on
power, despite the international embargo. Saddam has relied
on the country's various clans and tribes, at the expense of
the Baath party, which once had the main role in public
life.

by FALEH A JABAR *
___

THE impending United States military campaign against
Iraq is reminiscent of the death foretold chronicled in
Gabriel García Márquez's novel - given the Bush
administration's longing for Saddam Hussein's
unconditional surrender. Yet overthrowing Saddam's regime
may well prove prohibitively expensive and could even
lead to chaos, because of his unique political system.
This has survived war against Iran (1980-1988) and
stinging military defeat in 1991, after Iraq's invasion
of Kuwait on 2 August 1990 and the outbreak of the Gulf
war. Saddam's political durability is no fluke: it is the
outcome of complex and carefully calculated plays for
power.

As a young man, Saddam Hussein admired Hitler's system of
government. His fondness for totalitarianism came from
his maternal uncle, Khairullah Tilfah (1). Stalin and
communism were subsequently Saddam's exemplars. He
tailored his system along Nazi and Stalinist lines,
though it had a number of new features. In keeping with
Nazi ideals, Iraq's Ba'ath party had four main pillars:
totalitarian ideology, single-party rule, a command
economy (nominally socialist), and firm control over the
media and the army.

Unlike the Nazi model, the Ba'ath version deployed Iraq's
traditional tribes and clans in key state institutions;
these groups still survive in the provinces and outlying
rural areas. Three strategic posts were set aside for the
ruling clan: the defence ministry, the party's military
bureau (al-maktab al-askari) and the National Security
Bureau (maktab al-amn al-qawmi). In the early years of
the regime, state tribalism (the ruler's employment of
his own tribesmen in state institutions) focused on the
tribe that made up the ruling elite: Albu Nasir and its
leading core, the al-Beijat clan. In later years other
junior tribal groups were admitted (2). This strategy,
based on fear, aimed to strengthen the regime's power
base, build a monolithic ruling elite, and stem the
schisms and power struggles that had plagued the army and
party politics between 1958 and 1970.

Oil revenues were another essential component of the
Ba'ath party system. Iraq's vast oil reserves enabled the
government to expand public services and social safety
nets. As a result, the Westernised middle classes took
advantage of expanded opportunities and prospered during
the oil boom that followed the October 1973 Arab-Israeli
war. The success of the upper classes exceeded all
expectations, despite the restrictions of the command
economy. In 1968 Iraq had 53 millionaire families,
measured in dinars (a dinar was then worth $3.10). There
were around 800 such households in 1980 and 3,000 by
1989. Salaried employees and property owners in the
middle and upper classes became powerful social forces.
They did not owe their prosperity to a free market
system; they were dependent on government employment and
contracts.

In the corridors of power and the newly ascendant clan
classes, tribal or kinship-based groups held strategic
positions. These clan classes maintained a tight grip on
the army, the Ba'ath party, the bureaucracy and business.
Their bonds were in shared ideology and economic
interests, together with intermarriage and the
glorification of kinship, in spite of official
anti-tribalism.

This totalitarian system brought together modern and
traditional elements. It sought to control the state's
power structures and the restless multi-ethnic and
multi-cultural masses. Iraq's Arab population are divided
between Sunnis and Shi'ites, while the Kurds form a
sizeable minority (see article Kurdistan: on the map at
last). This blend of the modern and the traditional has
been the primary source of the regime's longevity, as
well as its chief weakness.

In dealing with the cohesiveness and stability of the
ruling elite, the Ba'ath regime contrasted sharply with
its predecessors. These included General Abdul-Karim
Qassim (1958-1963), who relied on military discipline to
keep order, and Marshal Abdul-Salam Arif (1963-1968), who
married military discipline with blood ties to the
Jumailat clan. Both leaders failed to secure a stable
power base. The Ba'ath party added its own original
ingredients to the basic formula of army plus tribal
solidarity.

This new and complicated mixture took years to set since
its two sides were so 

Re: question

2002-07-30 Thread Mohammad Maljoo

A Conference Summary paper summarizing some background papers on the status 
of the philanthropic and nonprofit sectors in ten societies throughout Asia 
Pacific:

http://www.asianphilanthropy.org/appc/appc_conference.pdf





From: Ellen Frank [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Reply-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Subject: [PEN-L:28752] question
Date: Mon, 29 Jul 2002 10:08:22 -0400


Does anyone know of a (preferably on-line) source that
compares social programs across countries -- like unemployment,
pensions, health care?

Ellen Frank




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Re: Re: Re: question

2002-07-30 Thread Mohammad Maljoo

As noted in the Conference Summary Paper, philanthropic funding  sources 
supporting NGO activities in China, Hong Kong, and Korea  consist of 
individuals, corporations, foundations, and the like as well as of 
government.  Isn't the latter a government social program, a heavy 
government involvement?

Mohammad Maljoo



Gar Lipow wrote:

I can't speak for Ellen, but I suspect she was talking more aboutr
government programs - especially since none of the sectors she mentions can 
be universal without heavy government involvement.

I too would be interested if someone does know where such cross comparisons 
are available.
Mohammad Maljoo wrote:

A Conference Summary paper summarizing some background papers on the 
status of the philanthropic and nonprofit sectors in ten societies 
throughout Asia Pacific:

http://www.asianphilanthropy.org/appc/appc_conference.pdf





From: Ellen Frank [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Reply-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Subject: [PEN-L:28752] question
Date: Mon, 29 Jul 2002 10:08:22 -0400


Does anyone know of a (preferably on-line) source that
compares social programs across countries -- like unemployment,
pensions, health care?

Ellen Frank





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Query

2002-07-17 Thread Mohammad Maljoo

I have recently begun to study a large network of para-statal Bonyads( 
foundations in Persian) in Iran. I would like to know  if there are  similar 
foundations in other countries. Let me introduce my query with a very short 
account of these Iranian foundations: the Bonyads are the para-statal 
foundations that play a great role in the Iranian political and economic  
scene, and exercise substantial power because of their connections to the 
religious establishment. These foundations are only responsible to the 
supreme religious leader ( i.e. to the non-democratic political body) and, 
in view of the conflict between non-democratic institutions and democratic 
ones, generally are against the (limited) democratic government and 
parliament. Hence, the Bonyads have become pivotal actors in the power 
struggles among different factions of the Iranian state. The Bonyads' 
fabulous resourses and riches have mostly their origin in booty and loot of 
the pervious regime in Iran. Their funding comes from assets and enterprises 
that they own or from donation or from the government. The government 
funding  is made available partly from the budget and partly in implicit 
forms( e.g., favorable exchange rate, tax exemptions, input subsidies, and 
regulation waivers). In fact, they can directly recieve subsidies from the 
government without permission from the parliament, and at the same time they 
pay no tax. these Bonyads have preferential access to substantial business 
contracts and investment deals. Also, they dominate certain industries 
including oil industry and such markets as cement and sugar production, and 
so are the most significant actors in the Iranian finance 
economy.Politically, the Bonyads play a significant role in forming both 
domestic policy and foreign policy. Most Iranians view the Bonyads as 
inefficient and unjust. The economic influence of these foundations still 
concerns the Iranians. Even many observers hold that these Bonyads are the 
greatest obstacle in good governance, combating corruption, and 
strengthening democracy in today's Iran.

Could anyone on the list direct me to resources on such possible 
foundations, if any, in other countries or in economic history?

Thanks in advance...
Mohammad Maljoo





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Thirld World Migrants Face Fortress Euroup

2002-06-26 Thread Mohammad Maljoo

A piece on migration in counterpunch...

http://www.counterpunch.org/behzad0624.html



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WARNING about virus

2002-06-25 Thread Mohammad Maljoo

Hi,
Unfortunatly I have recently opened an attachment and activated a virus. It 
starts sending the same virus to my address book. Since your name is in my 
address book, I am sending this warning to you. Please DO NOT open any 
attachments you receive before checking and making sure it is sent by a 
friend or a known entity. This virus might be sent to you through 
Maildelivery, shahlaehya, mmaljoo, mohammadeskadnari, … It’s strange how 
some sick people enjoy causing trouble. Sorry for my part in it.
Mohammad Maljoo






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Waiting for Adam

2002-04-02 Thread Mohammad Maljoo





http://www.mises.org/fullstory.asp?control=923

Waiting for Adam

by Brandon Dupont



The parable of the modern-day economics Ph.D. student reminds one of
Beckett's famous play, Waiting for Godot, but instead of Godot, I am
waiting patiently for Adam. Adam Smith, that is. He is nowhere to be
found.

In years of searching through economics departments at two major
research universities, I have found that he is quite the elusive figure.
Not that one should actually expect to see Adam Smith in a department of
economics in the year 2002--I was certainly not expecting it--but his
absence is telling nonetheless and stands as a major weakness in the
training of the next generation of economists.

Typical Ph.D. economics students may be able to tell you lots about
Kuhn-Tucker conditions, Hamiltonians, optimal control theory,
undetermined coefficients, differential equations, and the like. They
may speak fluently the language of mathematics and speak of
sophisticated programs in GAUSS, SAS, and STATA.

They may look at you with a curious bewilderment, however, upon the
mention of Adam Smith. Perhaps they know of him. I doubt they know of
the Physiocrats. I doubt they know much of even Mr. Ricardo, aside from
a passing mention of Ricardian equivalence buried under mountains of
pseudo math-department proofs. Then there’s
 http://www.mises.org/mengerbio.asp  Carl Menger, the founder of the
Austrian School. He was a pioneering intellectual who explained the
origins of money and explained value in terms of marginal utility, but
who is now shunned or forgotten.

I do not intend here to impugn the teaching of mathematical economics,
econometrics, and the like. Not at all. In fact, I agree that they are
indispensable tools for completing a Ph.D. and teaching in a university
setting. They do help organize one's thoughts and communicate with the
profession, and they are clearly important tools for graduate students.

However, it seems that we often neglect building rigorous intuition in
our emphasis on technique. Economics is an impressive body of work, but
it is precisely in that point that I am troubled. It seems that we have
lost sight of the folks who brought us here, and much remains to be
learned from the masters themselves.

It seems troubling to me that I (along with nearly ever other Ph.D.
student in economics in the nation) can get a doctorate in economics
without ever so much as glancing at what most consider to be one of the
defining works in the development of economic thought: The Wealth of
Nations. I can earn my Ph.D. by spending my days working on mathematical
proofs and optimization theory without ever even laying a finger on
Keynes's General Theory, Malthus's Essays on Population, or Ricardo's
Principles of Political Economy and Taxation.

Austrian economists in particular would notice that, if Smith and
Ricardo are largely brushed aside in the training of modern economists,
Menger,   http://www.mises.org/mises.asp  Mises, and
 http://www.mises.org/mnr.asp  Rothbard are also nowhere to be seen in
the vast majority of programs.

It bothers me that professors will extend glowing praise for proofs of
the separating hyperplane theorem, but smile with a wink and a nod if I
profess a troubling ignorance of the role of the Physiocrats in the
development of Smith's economic philosophy.

If I can solve systems of nonlinear differential equations in my sleep
or know what upper hemi-continuous is, then I am deemed to be worthy of
a Ph.D. in economics even if I do not know the name
 http://www.mises.org/hayekbio.asp  Hayek, a Nobel prize-winner in the
field.

I wonder whether the same things bother my professors?\xa0Some, perhaps,
but a dwindling minority I'm sure. Nearly all of them were trained,
after all, in the same mathematical rigor. What we are doing by focusing
ever more intently on technical methodology is building economists who
think that the economy functions like a blackboard mathematical model.
We are gaining technical expertise that might rival that seen in the
engineering department, but we are rapidly losing fundamental economic
intuition, and we are being ever more removed from Smith's Moral
Philosophy.

I am not arguing that all Ph.D. students need to be experts in the
history of economic thought; that is a field with its own experts. I do
strongly believe, however, that we should at least expose graduate
students to the field. Is one class in history of thought in a typical
five-year Ph.D. program too much to ask of our universities? Few require
it anymore. It is often even difficult for a graduate student who wants
to take such a class as an elective to do so, since course offerings,
even at large well-funded departments, are heavily skewed to the
quantitative courses.

I am afraid the rush to push economists into the so-called hard
sciences with never-ending emphasis on quantitative skills and nearly
complete ignorance of the social side of the Queen of the Social
Sciences will lead us to a 

Re: Re: Nader

2002-03-31 Thread Mohammad Maljoo

In his _Exit, Voice, and Loyalty_, Hirschman places  Nader's campaigns  in 
the EVL approach.
Mohammad Maljoo

From: Michael Perelman [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Reply-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Subject: [PEN-L:24485] Re: Nader
Date: Sat, 30 Mar 2002 19:59:44 -0800

Jim's Thurmon Arnold comparison is very apt.

On Sat, Mar 30, 2002 at 07:51:50PM -0800, Devine, James wrote:
  [was: RE: [PEN-L:24482] Re: FW: Krugman]
 
  Sabri asks: Here is a question to our American friends: Is Ralph Nader 
is a
  leftist?
 
  it's a matter of definition and political definitions are not only hard 
to
  make but are political footballs.
 
  Nader is sort of a New Deal (FDR) liberal who used to believe in 
competitive
  markets, anti-trust, and some kinds of deregulation (e.g., breaking up 
the
  Civil Aeronautics Administration and the Interstate Commerce Commission, 
the
  old government cartels in airlines and ground transport). He's been 
moving
  away from this for awhile, seemingly in the direction of those on this 
list.
  I'll have to read his book to find out more. JD
 

--
Michael Perelman
Economics Department
California State University
Chico, CA 95929

Tel. 530-898-5321
E-Mail [EMAIL PROTECTED]





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Fwd: Moslem Migrants/Chicago Tribune

2002-03-08 Thread Mohammad Maljoo




From: behzad yaghmaian [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Subject: Moslem Migrants/Chicago Tribune
Date: Fri, 08 Mar 2002 07:58:32 -0500

Hi Folks,

I wanted to share with you an Op-ED piece I recently published in Chicago 
Tribune about migration to the West from Moslem countries.  Be well. Behzad


Migration of Muslims to West will continue
Chicago Tribune; Chicago, Ill.; Feb 28, 2002; Behzad Yaghmaian, Associate 
professor of Economics, Ramapo College of New Jersey;

Abstract:
The Sept. 11 tragedy changed the world of migration. Combating terrorism and 
halting illegal migration coincided. A new enemy was created--Muslim 
migrants from the Middle East and North Africa. They were potential 
terrorists. They had to be kept out.
Borders were closed. New walls were erected. The West closed its gates to 
migrants from the region. But the underlying causes of the migration of 
Muslims to the West persist. Thousands continue to venture into the 
dangerous journey of migration with the hope of finding salvation in the 
West. They flee war, political conflict, poverty and the hellish life under 
Islamic fundamentalism.

Full Text:
(Copyright 2002 by the Chicago Tribune)


The Sept. 11 tragedy changed the world of migration. Combating terrorism and 
halting illegal migration coincided. A new enemy was created--Muslim 
migrants from the Middle East and North Africa. They were potential 
terrorists. They had to be kept out. Borders were closed.  New walls were 
erected. The West closed its gates to migrants from the region. But the 
underlying causes of the migration of Muslims to the
West persist. Thousands continue to venture into the dangerous journey of 
migration with the hope of finding salvation in the West. They flee war, 
political conflict, poverty and the hellish life under Islamic 
fundamentalism.

For many, international migration is the only escape from the cultural and 
political violence of fundamentalism. Plagued by unending wars and 
sociopolitical instability, and driven away from the possibility of a life 
of peace at home, many have become voyagers in search of survival in faraway 
lands. This seems to be the story of most Iraqi, Afghani and Kurdish 
migrants caught behind borders in the West.

Devastated by war and political violence, millions have also been subject to 
destructive economic changes beyond their control: the globalization of 
economics and culture. Displacement and migration have been the result. The 
introduction of market relations and the transformation of subsistence 
economies have changed the nature of work in many countries. Millions have 
joined the ranks of wage laborers, swelling the labor force in most urban 
areas.

In the past 30 years, the labor force increased by 176 percent in the Middle 
East and North Africa. The unprecedented increase in the labor force has not 
been matched by a growth in job creation and improvement in the standard of 
living. High unemployment rates persist in most countries in the Middle East 
and North Africa. Poverty has been on the rise in many countries in the 
region.

Intoxicated by the flashy images of the West, a large number of socially 
aspiring and culturally adventurous young men and women have joined the 
ranks of migrants in recent years. They, too, flee home for a better world.

The recent migratory movement of young Iranians is a telling example of this 
development. The Iranian youth echo the inner aspirations of millions of 
young people across the Muslim world--a desire for life with dignity, 
freedom and the possibility of work with livable pay.

There seems to be no reversal of the existing migration flow to the West 
from the Middle East and North Africa in the near future. A growing number 
of displaced Muslim men, women and children will be facing closed borders in 
Europe. The result will be increased clandestine border crossings, desperate 
use of more dangerous routes and methods of migration, exploitation and 
abuse by smugglers and human traffickers, and death. A policy revision is 
necessary to stop this human drama.



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Chicago Tribune.doc
Description: MS-Word document


Oil, Sharon and the Exis of Evil

2002-02-12 Thread Mohammad Maljoo

http://www.counterpunch.org/


February 11, 2002

Oil, Sharon and the Axis of Evil
The Great Game
By Uri Avnery

Some weeks ago, something curious happened: Israel discovered that Iran is 
the Great Satan.

It happened quite suddenly. There was no prior sensational news, no new 
discovery. As if by the order of a drill-sergeant, the whole Israeli phalanx 
changed direction. All the politicians, all the generals, all the enlisted 
media, with the usual complement of professors-for-hire, - all of them 
discovered overnight that Iran is the immediate, real and terrible danger.

By wondrous coincidence, at exactly the same moment a ship was captured 
that, allegedly, carried Iranian arms to Arafat. And in Washington Shimon 
Peres, a man for all seasons and the servant of all masters, accosted every 
passing diplomat and told him stories about thousands of Iranian missiles 
that have been given to the Hizbullah. Yes, yes, Hizbullah (included by 
President Bush in the list of terrorist organizations) is receiving 
horrible arms from Iran (included by President Bush in the Axis of Evil) 
in order to threaten Israel, the darling of the Congress.

Does this sound mad? Not at all. There is method in this madness.

On the face of it, the matter is easy to explain. America is still in a 
state of fury after the Twin-Towers outrage. It has won a amazing victory in 
Afghanistan, hardly sacrificing a single American soldier. Now it stands, 
furious and drunk with victory, and does not know who to attack next. Iraq? 
North Korea? Somalia? The Sudan?

President Bush cannot stop now, because such an immense concentration of 
might cannot be laid off. The more so, as Bin-Laden has not been killed. The 
economic situation has deteriorated, a giant scandal (Enron) is rocki ng 
Washington. The American public should not be left to ponder on this.

So here comes the Israeli leadership and shouts from the roof-tops: Iran is 
the enemy! Iran must be attacked!

Who has made that decision? When? How? And most importantly - Where? Clearly 
not in Jerusalem, but in Washington DC. An important component of the US 
administration has given Israel a sign: Start a massive political offensive 
in order to pressure the Congress, the media and American public opinion.

Who are these people? And what is their interest? A wider explanation is 
needed.

The most coveted resource on earth is the giant oil-field in the Caspian Sea 
region, that competes in scale with the riches of Saudi Arabia. In 2010 it 
is expected to yield 3.2 billion barrels of crude oil per day, in addition 
to 4850 billion cubic feet of natural gas per year.

The United States is determined (a) to take possession of it, (b) to 
eliminate all potential competitors, (c) to safeguard the area politically 
and militarily, and (d) to clear a way from the oil-fields to the open sea.

This campaign is being led by a group of oil people, to which the Bush 
family belongs. Together with the arms industry, this group got both George 
Bush senior and George Bush junior elected. The President is a simple 
person, his mental world is shallow and his pronouncements are primitive, 
bordering on caricature, like a second-rate Western. That is good for the 
masses. But his handlers are very sophisticated people indeed. It's they who 
guide the administration.

The Twin Towers outrage made their job much easier. Osama Bin Laden did not 
comprehend that his actions serve American interests. If I were a believer 
in Conspiracy Theory, I would think that Bin Laden is an American agent. Not 
being one, I can only wonder at the coincidence.

Bush's War on Terrorism constitutes a perfect pretext for the campaign 
planned by his handlers. Under the cover of this war, America has taken 
total control over the three small Muslim nations near the oil reserves: 
Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan. The whole region is now completely 
under American political-military domination. All potential competitors - 
including Russia and China - have been pushed out.

For a long time, the Americans have been arguing among themselves about the 
best route for piping this oil to the open sea. Routes that may be under 
Russian influence have been eliminated. The 19th century, deadly 
British-Russian competition, then called the Great Game, is still going on 
between America and Russia.

Until recently, the western route, leading to the Black Sea and Turkey, 
seemed most feasible, but the Americans did not like it very much, to say 
the least. Russia is much too near.

The best route leads south, to the Indian Ocean. Iran was not even 
considered, since it is governed by Islamic fanatics. So there remained the 
alternative route: from the Caspian Sea, through Afghanistan and the western 
part of Pakistan (called Beluchistan), to the Indian Ocean. To this end, the 
Americans conducted, ever so quietly, negotiations with the Taliban regime. 
They bore no fruit. Then the War on Terrorism was started, the US 

Re: FW: Re: Iran

2002-02-12 Thread Mohammad Maljoo


Michael Pugliese wrote:

One other piece making the rounds from Uri Avnery in the latest 
Counterpunch, seems way too reductionist to me. Hint; It's All Oil!

Michael is right. Avnery's piece looks like a fallacy of misplaced 
concreteness. At the same time, if oil  is not under discussion in a piece 
on the exis of evil, it is like a conference on malaria that does not 
discuss the mosquito.

Mohammad Maljoo





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Fwd: vote

2002-02-10 Thread Mohammad Maljoo




From: HZ [EMAIL PROTECTED]
To: Zangeneh, Hamid [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Subject: vote
Date: Sun, 10 Feb 2002 10:38:01 -0500

Here is an immediate result of President Bush's axis of evil policy
announcement.
Let us hope the unity expressed by President Khatami is a tactical
measure and does not imply abandonment of democratic reforms,
establishment of rule of law, and respect for individual freedoms and
human rights.
Also, please note that alongside this article, CNN is conducting a
survey on restoration of US -IRAN relations.  Please go to the site and
VOTE .  When and where there is dialogue, there is less likelihood for
war and destruction.
http://www.cnn.com/2002/WORLD/meast/02/09/iran.warning/index.html

full story at:

TEHRAN, Iran (CNN) -- Nearly two weeks after President Bush lumped Iran
into an axis of evil, the Middle Eastern country's reformist president
Saturday urged Iranians to turn out in force for an upcoming anti-U.S.
demonstration.
http://www.cnn.com/2002/WORLD/meast/02/09/iran.warning/index.html




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A Land of Paradoxes

2002-02-09 Thread Mohammad Maljoo

Iran: A land of paradoxes


---

Shlomo Avineri February, 08 2002


---


(February 8) - In his recent State of the Union speech, US President George
W. Bush identified Iran, together with Iraq and North Korea, as belonging to 
the axis of evil, involved in terrorism and the production of weapons of 
mass destruction.

Iran certainly deserves to be classified as aregional and possibly global 
destabilizer, and its support for the fundamentalist Islamic terrorism of 
Hizbullah in Lebanon is aimed at further undermining
the ever-diminishing chances of Israeli-Palestinian reconciliation.

But internal developments in Iran are complex, and any demonization of the
Islamic republic as such is simplistic, as is a dichotomous polarity
between conservatives and moderates, the latter led by President
Mohammed Khatami, is not very helpful in what is a  multi-faceted context.

In many respects, Iran is perhaps the most interesting country in the 
region, with the greatest potential for a
development which may lead, not to a Western-style democracy, but to greater 
opening
and liberalization. The paradox is that this potential is embedded in its 
ideology as an
Islamic state.
The last few years have shown some remarkable developments. Among them:

Holding of elections: These are limited within an Islamic discourse, and in
order to run in the elections, parties and individuals have to get an
imprimatur from the highest Islamic authority in the land. Hence they are
obviously not free (an anti-Islamic candidate cannot run). But within this
Islamic discourse, there is a fierce contest between various groups and 
interpretations.

Women have the vote, and participate actively in political life.

Because elections to the majlis (parliament) and the
presidency are contested, they are meaningful. It is, for example,
clear that Khatami was elected with the support of women and younger
people, and the establishment candidate was not elected. There is
nothing like this in any Arab country: In Egypt or Syria (just as in
Belarus) there is virtually only one candidate, and he receives between 
97-98%
of the vote.

Debates in parliament are real, with different views expressed (again, in a
limited Islamic context), with real voting taking place (again, not like
the rubber-stamp sham parliaments in country such as Egypt and Syria).

To the Western eye, the extreme image of women in black chadors is the only
picture one has of women in Iran. While this is an obvious mark of the
discrimination of women, the picture is more complex.

For example, in medicine: Because male doctors are not allowed by strict
Islamic law to treat women patients, for years the government has
encouraged crash courses to train women doctors. As a consequence, there
are today many more women doctors in Iran than under the shah, and the
number of women dying in childbirth is among the lowest in the region.

Similarly, the government has instituted a very active birth control
program, and has found a way of legitimizing it within an Islamic context
(we want educated Islamic families, not just large
Islamic families). Iran has consequently one of the lowest birth rates
in the region.

All this also has consequences for foreign policy.
As an Iranian political scientist recently put it at a seminar in Germany, 
younger people in Iran
do feel themselves as Muslims, and Iran will not become a secular society.
But they view their Islam as part of their Iranian identity, whereas the
older clerics viewed their Islam as a universal revolutionary identity.
These younger people, the Iranian scholar claimed, are first of all Iranian
nationalists, and would like to dissociat  themselves from Middle Eastern 
politics, including the Arab-Israeli conflict.

They will continue, of course, to give verbal support to the Palestinian
cause, but it is not at the top of their agenda.
It is a complex, and perhaps confusing picture. But anyone who knows
European history will perhaps identify a parallel: the Calvinist, Puritan
revolution. The Calvinists in Geneva, or Cromwell's Puritans, were - like
the clerics in Teheran - biblio-centric, with a Hol  Book as their model
for an idealized society. Their society was supposed to be puritanical,
frugal, non-permissive, with laws against conspicuous consumption and
luxuries. It was also anti-feminist, anchored in patriarchal family 
structures.

But because the Calvinists did not accept a Church hierarchy, they based -
like the Iranian Shi'ites who are not part of the Sunni majoritarian
universalism - their legitimacy on the community of believers and
introduced elections. And once you introduce elections - and different
modes of interpretation of the Holy Book ar  possible and legitimate -
there exists a mechanism for participation, control, dissent (limited as it
may be) and the introduction 

Fwd:Evil Axis

2002-02-08 Thread Mohammad Maljoo

From :kaveh ehsani [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Subject :Fwd: Evil Axis
Date :Thu, 7 Feb 2002 05:40:00 -0800 (PST)


This from Niloofar Haeri. She teaches at  Johns
Hopkins University where she is associate professor of
anthropology.
Kaveh


  I think we[ Iranian] should all send letters to as many
newspapers as possible about the axis of evil stuff
and the role of Israel in this. I wrote one to the
International Herlad Tribune yesterday but who knows
they'll publish it. Here it is:

To the editor:

With regard to the report No More Mister Nice Guy
with Iran [February 5], the crucial point is this:
by
thrusting Iran into America’s line of fire, Israel
strengthens the most intolerant political groups in
Iran. Against all odds, Iran has been making
progress
towards building democratic institituions. Its
President and Parliament were chosen by thoroughly
democratic means. The relentless hostilities of
Israel
towards Iran through American channels will
strengthen
Iran’s hardliners and destablize the country and the
region. Israel is not a foe of extremist Islamic
forces, it is positively their best friend.




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Fwd: Israel , Iran and the evil axis

2002-02-03 Thread Mohammad Maljoo




From: kaveh ehsani [EMAIL PROTECTED]
To: David Harvey [EMAIL PROTECTED],
Subject: Israel , Iran and the evil axis
Date: Sun, 3 Feb 2002 08:07:21 -0800 (PST)

Israel thrusts Iran in line of US fire

As Bush weighs up the 'axis of evil', one country is
bringing its full influence to bear

David Hirst
Saturday February 2, 2002
The Guardian

America's campaign in Afghanistan is winding down, but
who will be its next big target in the war on terror
remains in the realm of conjecture. Of the three chief
members of the axis of evil that George Bush
identified in his state of the union address - Iraq,
Iran and North Korea - he dedicated most of his wrath
and spoke most threateningly of that hardiest of
Washington's villains, Saddam Hussein.
Yet, if Israel gets its way, the next target could be
Iran. President Bush was forthright in his address: he
told Tehran to stop harbouring al-Qaida terrorists and
added the heavyhanded threat that if it did not, he
would deal with Iran in diplomatic ways, initially.

Israel has long portrayed the Islamic republic as its
gravest long-term threat, the rogue state at its
most menacing, combining sponsorship of international
terror, nuclear ambition, ideological objection to the
existence of the Jewish state and unflagging
determination to sabotage the Middle East peace
process.

Israel classifies Iran as one of those far threats -
Iraq being another - that distinguish it from the
near ones: the Palestinians and neighbouring Arab
states. As the peace process progressed, the near
threats were steadily being eroded.A vital benefit of
the 1993 Oslo accord was said to be that it would
fortify Israel for its eventual showdown with its far
enemies.

The closer their weapons of mass destruction
programmes come to completion, the more compelling the
need for Israel - determined to preserve its nuclear
monopoly in the region - to eliminate them.

For a long time, the strategy of enlisting the growing
Arab peace camp against Iran and Islamically-inspired
extremism from afar seemed to be working. Committed,
under Oslo, to fight all forms of Palestinian violence
against Israel, the Palestinian leader, Yasser Arafat,
came to blows with Hamas and Islamic Jihad, and the
anathemas he hurled at Iran, their ideological mentor,
were all but indistinguishable from Israel's.

But now both threats have converged, malignantly, as
never before. This, for Israel, was the deeper meaning
of the Karine-A affair, the 50-ton shipment of
Iranian-supplied weaponry destined for Gaza, which it
seized last month. It was a most dangerous axis,
said the Israeli chief of staff, that threatened to
change the face of the Israeli-Palestinian struggle.


As well as supplying arms and finance, Iran, the
Israelis say, is developing a supervisory role over
the Palestinian terror through the exploitation of
its existing assets in the arena, mainly the Lebanese
Hizbullah, and its new ones, a direct link with Mr
Arafat and the Palestinian Authority, and a recently
created Palestinian Hizbullah of its own.

Had the Karine-A cargo made it to Gaza, and thence to
the West Bank, it could have made at least a dent in
Israel's enormous military superiority. The
Palestinians would no longer have been entirely
helpless in the face of Israeli armoured incursions
into their self-rule areas. The weapons would also
have brought whole population centres within range.

Though Mr Arafat and Iran denied any part in the arms
shipment, there were compelling reasons why these
former friends-turned-enemies should have resumed
their collaboration of old. Mr Arafat's desperate need
is obvious. The ever-growing violence of the conflict
and the complete failure of any country to come to the
Palestinians' aid present a golden opportunity for the
Islamic republic, at least for the conservative,
clerical wing of its leadership, which has exclusive,
unaccountable control over underground aspects of
foreign policy, such as support for Islamist
revolutionaries like Hizbullah and Hamas.

Iran's president, Mohammad Khatami, and most of the
reformist camp may seek to dilute the extreme
anti-Israeli orthodoxy, but Tehran's foreign policy is
very much an area of competition between the country's
rival political wings.

The simplest way to thwart the growth of such a
Palestinian-Iranian alliance would be to deny it its
essential raison d'être by restoring a peace process
that has some prospect of success. But it has become
clear that peace is just what the Israeli prime
minister, Ariel Sharon, does not want: Palestinian
violence serves him much better.

Persuasion


For him, the Karine-A incident provided further,
dramatic justification for the undeclared but
ill-disguised agenda he is pursuing in the name of
retaliation and self-defence - to destroy the whole
notion of self-determination on any portion of
Palestinian territory.

But the Israelis took particular alarm at the words of
the former Iranian president, Hashimi Rafsanjani, who
said recently that if 

Re: Taliban Support

2002-01-29 Thread Mohammad Maljoo

Wherever the religion-oriented state obtains political power in a Muslim 
country , the political Islam grows and the social Islam declines. For 
example, compare Iran with Eygpt: in Iran the state is religious, so the 
social Islam is failing fast and the political Islam is increasingly 
growing; but in Egypt the social Islam is powerful and ...

Similarly, in Afghanistan a religious state had arraived on the scene and 
hence was not capable of chaining many minds. Therefore, it is not surprisng 
, as Karl Carlile writes, that  [i]n Afghanistan there has been a virtual 
absence of popular protest against the attack on the Taliban. But Pakistan 
has a very poweful social Islam and, again, it is not surprising that there 
has been more support from elements within the Pashtun community within 
Pakistan I think that this issue has not to do with racial and tribial 
causes. When a religious state arraives the political scene, the social base 
of Islam in that country  is weakened.
Regards,
Mohammad Maljoo




From: Karl Carlile [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Reply-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
To: Communism List [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Subject: [PEN-L:22071] Taliban Support
Date: Mon, 28 Jan 2002 21:51:17 -

Prominent radical cleric, Maulana Samiul Haq, head of the 35-party
pro-Taliban Pakistan-Afghanistan Defence Council, told the crowd Muslims
would continue to wage jihad against non-Muslims in places such as
Chechnya, Palestine and Afghanistan.

Afghanistan is our backbone. Why can't we fight jihad in Afghanistan?
Haq asked the crowd.  The Taliban have lost in Afghanistan but we are
not disappointed nor discouraged, Haq said as the crowd chanted slogans
in support of fugitive Taliban leader Mullah Mohammad Omar and bin
Laden.

Several senior Taliban leaders graduated from Haq's madrassa near
Peshawar. (MER)

It is interesting that the Taliban appear to have had a strongers social
base in Pakistan than in  Afghanistan. There has been more popular
protest and resistance concerning imperialist aggression in Afghanistan
against the Taliban than in Afghanistan itself.

In Afghanistan there has been a virtual absence of popular protest
against the attack on the Taliban.
It is extraordinary that there has been more support from elements
within the Pashtun community within Pakistan while virtually none in
Afghanistan. Recent events in Afghanistan have had a rather
extraordinary character. It is clear that little of the story has been
made accessible to the public. In many ways the war itself and related
events has unfolded in intended secrecy.

Regards
Karl Carlile (Communist Global Group)
Be free to join our communism mailing list
at http://homepage.eircom.net/~kampf/










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Fwd: Good analysis

2002-01-28 Thread Mohammad Maljoo




From: kaveh ehsani [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Subject: Good analysis
Date: Mon, 28 Jan 2002 08:13:31 -0800 (PST)


 
  Iran unruffled by American media's talk of war
  against Saddam
  Tehran reins in Shiite rebels while mending
  relations with Baghdad
  Ghassan Ben-Jeddou
  Special to The Daily Star
 
  The Iranian government is not convinced that the
  United States is about to
  blitz Iraq, at least not in the foreseeable future.
  Despite all the noise
  made by the American media on the subject, which
  conveys the impression
  that such an attack is inevitable even if not
  necessarily imminent, in
  political and strategic circles in Tehran the
  prospect is viewed as
  far-fetched.
  This is striking. More striking still to observers
  of Iran's handling of
  the Iraq dossier is an evident shift in its attitude
  toward the Iraqi
  opposition, specifically the Iran-based Shiite
  Islamist opposition and,
  above all, the Supreme Assembly for the Islamic
  Revolution in Iraq (SAIRI)
  led by Sayyed Mohammed al-Hakim.
  SAIRI's military wing, the Badr Forces, has several
  thousand men under arms
  in a number of bases throughout the Islamic
  Republic, the most important
  being located at the southern end of the border
  separating the two
  countries. Recently, Tehran has taken a tougher line
  toward these rebels.
  It has been subjecting them to pressure, signs of
  which can sometimes be
  detected in newspapers close to the upper echelons
  of the regime.
  The reason Tehran doubts there will be an American
  attack on Iraq in the
  near or foreseeable future is, essentially, that it
  believes that
  Washington's enthusiasm for a post-Afghanistan
  military adventure has more
  to do with domestic than strategic considerations ­
  that is, that what it
  seeks is military victory, rather than the
  attainment of a specific
  military objective.
  That being the case, Tehran believes Washington is
  well aware that Iraq
  bears no comparison with Afghanistan, and that it
  would be quite out of the
  question to replicate there the kind of rout that
  sent the Taleban packing
  like mice.
  As one senior Iranian statesman wryly remarked at a
  recent private
  gathering: The Americans should realize that while
  indeed they are the
  strongest global power, that does not necessarily
  make them the strongest
  regional power in every part of the world and at all
  times, he said. If
  they won't listen to those they consider to be
  religious fundamentalists,
  they should recall what Karl Marx, the theorist of
  bankrupt communism, had
  to say about history never repeating itself except
  as farce.
  More specifically, Iranian experts make the
  following points:
  l Washington managed to rally an unprecedented
  degree of international
  support around its slogan of combatting terrorism.
  It thus succeeded in
  turning international opinion solidly against the
  Taleban after their
  leader, Mullah Mohammed Omar, refused to hand over
  Osama bin Laden or
  members of Al-Qaeda. It would be very difficult to
  duplicate this in Iraq.
  Washington would not be able to invoke the fight
  against terrorism as a
  casus belli against Baghdad. If it insists on
  targeting President Saddam
  Hussein's regime, it will have to do so under a
  different pretext, and it
  would inevitably encounter much Arab, regional and
  even European
  opposition.
  l Changing the regime in Baghdad and toppling Saddam
  and the Iraqi Baath
  Party leadership would not be a viable objective for
  a purely military
  operation. Such an operation would instead aim to
  destroy some of the
  regime's military capabilities and other facilities,
  and prevent it from
  becoming a serious military player in the region
  again. This would be more
  a matter of gaining domestic political and electoral
  advantage than of
  overturning the strategic balances in the Middle
  East.
  l Any quest to replace Iraq's regime or rulers would
  have to rely on Iraqi
  opposition forces, Shiite and/or Kurdish. The
  Iranians note that the
  Americans achieved a quick, spectacular and painless
  victory in Afghanistan
  by assisting opposition forces with air and missile
  strikes, but leaving
  them to do all the fighting on the ground and take
  all the casualties. They
  believe that the same kind of tactic will be applied
  to any American plans
  for Iraq. Deploying American forces in ground combat
  would entail large
  numbers of American casualties, which the Bush
  administration would want to
  avoid.
  l In Afghanistan the United States enjoyed the
  direct or indirect support
  of all the country's neighbors, and the same would
  not necessarily be
  forthcoming in the case of Iraq.
  l The Iranians, who keep a very close watch on the
  debate taking place in
  the United States and on the leaks provided to the
  media there, are
  increasingly convinced that the Americans are
  looking for opportunities to
  engage in 

Re: Re: RE: Theory on Mullah Omar etc

2002-01-26 Thread Mohammad Maljoo

As to Carl's analysis, I should say that Taliban's return to  political
scene of afghanistan seems very unlikely. Moreover, it seems that Afghans 
can not obtain a democracy friendly dialogue, even a dialogue of the deaf. 
So  Iran dose not need Taliban to destablize Afghanistan.

Regards,
Mohammad Maljoo



From: Michael Perelman [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Reply-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Subject: [PEN-L:21939] Re: RE: Theory on Mullah Omar etc
Date: Sat, 26 Jan 2002 10:37:03 -0800

trying to start a flame war?

On Sat, Jan 26, 2002 at 08:35:16AM -0800, michael pugliese wrote:
 
Karl, you have your conspiranoid geo-politics more than a bit
  awry below. Russia supported, for several yrs. before 9-11, the

--
Michael Perelman
Economics Department
California State University
Chico, CA 95929

Tel. 530-898-5321
E-Mail [EMAIL PROTECTED]





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Human Rights in Iran

2002-01-19 Thread Mohammad Maljoo


http://www.hrw.org/wr2k2/mena3.html


Iran: Human Rights Development (World Report 2000)



Factional conflict within Iran's clerical leadership continued to result in 
severe restrictions on freedom of expression, association, and political 
participation. Deteriorating economic conditions made worse by severe 
natural disasters contributed to increasing unrest and a pervasive sense of 
social insecurity, reflected in clashes between demonstrators and the 
security forces and in harsh measures against drug-traffickers and other 
criminals. President Mohammad Khatami won another landslide victory for 
those associated with the cause of political reform when he was reelected by 
77 percent of voters for a second four-year term in June, but the power 
struggle between conservatives and reformists remained unresolved. 
Conservative clerics maintained a strong grip on power through the 
judiciary, the Council of Guardians and the office of the Leader of the 
Islamic Republic, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. Promises by reformists to increase 
respect for basic freedoms and the rule of law remained unrealized, and 
severe restrictions imposed on the independent print media, the major 
visible gain of President Khatami's first period in office, remained in 
place. The judiciary, and branches of the security forces beyond the control 
of the elected government, resorted increasingly to intimidatory tactics, 
with a sharp increase in public executions and public floggings. 
Conservative clerics taunted critics of corporal punishment, and accused 
them of being opposed to Islamic rule--in some cases even calling for the 
shedding of the blood of such critics. Such remarks fueled an increasingly 
polarized political stand-off, which, coupled with governmental 
ineffectiveness in the face of mounting economic and social problems, 
contributed to a volatile situation where the threat of political violence 
loomed large.
The clampdown on the independent print media that had followed the sweeping 
reformist victory in parliamentary elections in February 2001 (see Human 
Rights Watch World Report 2001) was followed by the detention of scores of 
leading independent and reformist figures and activists. Many of these 
activists had participated in the flowering of the independent press in the 
late 1990s as writers, editors, and publishers. Other targeted activists 
included supporters of the national religious trend, a loose alliance of 
intellectuals and politicians advocating Islamic government with adherence 
to the rule of law and the constitution, who for many years had been one of 
the few currents of internal political opposition tolerated by the 
establishment.
Seventeen reformist figures, many of them prominent, were brought to trial 
in October 2000 in connection with their participation in an international 
conference on the future of Iran, held in Berlin, Germany, in April 2000. 
The trial before the Tehran Revolutionary Court was unfair. Many of the 
defendants were held in protracted incommunicado detention after returning 
from Berlin, during which time they were forced to make incriminating 
statements that formed the evidence against them at their trial. Akbar 
Ganji, a well-known investigative journalist who was among the accused, 
protested at his hearing in November 2000 that he had been beaten by his 
interrogators while in detention in order to pressure him to confess to 
crimes. Most of the trial was conducted behind closed doors.
On January 13, the court convicted seven of the defendants on vague charges 
of having conspired to overthrow the system of the Islamic Republic. The 
severest sentences, ten years of imprisonment, were passed on Akbar Ganji 
and Saeed Sadr, a translator at the German embassy in Tehran. A second 
translator, Khalil Rostamkhani, received a nine-year sentence, even though 
he had not attended the conference. His wife, Roshanak Darioush, a 
translator of German literature into Persian, had served as a translator at 
the conference but did not return to Iran to face charges. The trial and the 
harsh sentences imposed on local employees of the German embassy appeared 
designed to cause maximum embarrassment to President Khatami's government in 
its relations with Germany, a major trade partner which he had visited in 
2000, and with other European states.
The court also sentenced student leader Ali Afshari to five years in prison, 
and veteran politician Ezzatollah Sahhabi to four and a half years. Both 
were already in prison by the time the trial began in October 2000. Women's 
rights activists Shahla Lahidji and Mehrangiz Kar each received four-year 
prison sentences, but were released pending an appeal. Ezzatollah Sahhabi 
was also provisionally released, but he was re-arrested following public 
remarks he made in March and was still detained without charge in November.
An appeal court reduced Akbar Ganji's sentence to six months of imprisonment 
but before he could be released, 

The Forbidden Truth

2002-01-12 Thread Mohammad Maljoo


BIN LADEN: THE FORBIDDEN TRUTH ABOUT BUSH, OIL AND WASHINGTON'S SECRET 
NEGOTIATIONS WITH THE TALIBAN

At Democracy Now! we have often called the Bush administration the 
Oiligarchy. Vice-President Dick Cheney of course was the president of 
Halliburton, a company that provides services for the oil industry. For 
nearly a decade, National Security Advisor Condoleezza Rice worked with 
Chevron, while secretaries of commerce and energy, Donald Evans and Spencer 
Abraham, worked for another oil giant. Many of the US officials now working 
on the administration's Afghanistan policy also have extensive backgrounds 
in the world of multinational oil giants.

An explosive new book published originally in France is revealing some 
extraordinary details of the extent to which US oil corporations influenced 
the Bush administration's policies toward the Taliban regime prior to 
September 11th. The book is called Bin Laden: The Forbidden Truth. And it 
paints a detailed picture of the Bush administration's secret negotiations 
with the Taliban government in the months and weeks before the attacks on 
the World Trade Center. It charges that under the influence of US oil 
companies the Bush administration blocked U.S. secret service investigations 
on terrorism. It tells the story of how the administration conducted secret 
negotiations with the Taliban to hand-over Osama bin Laden in exchange for 
political recognition and economic aid. The book says that Washington's main 
aim in Afghanistan prior to September 11th was consolidating the Taliban 
regime, in order to obtain access to the oil and gas reserves in Central 
Asia.

The authors claim that before the September 11th attacks, Christina Rocca, 
the head of Asian Affairs in the US State Department, met the Taliban 
Ambassador to Pakistan Abdul Salam Zaeef in Islamabad on August 2. Rocca is 
a veteran of US involvement in Afghanistan. She was previously in charge of 
contacts with Islamist guerrilla groups at the CIA, where she oversaw the 
delivery of Stinger missiles to Afghan mujahideen fighting the Soviet 
occupation forces in the 1980s.

The book also reveals that the Taliban actually hired an American public 
relations' expert for an image-making campaign in the US. What's amazing is 
that the PR officer was a woman named Laila Helms, who is the niece of 
former CIA director Richard Helms. Helms is described as the Mata Hari of 
US-Taliban negotiations. The authors claim that she brought Sayed 
Rahmatullah Hashimi, an advisor to Mullah Omar, to Washington for five days 
in March 2001 - after the Taliban had destroyed the ancient Buddhas of 
Bamiyan. Hashimi met the Directorate of Central Intelligence at the CIA, and 
the Bureau of Intelligence and Research at the State Department.

The book also says that the Deputy Director of the FBI, John O'Neill, 
resigned in July in protest of the Bush administration's obstruction of an 
investigation into alleged Taliban terrorist activities. O'Neill then became 
head of security at the World Trade Center. He died in the September 11th 
attacks.



Jean-Charles Brisard, co-author of Bin Laden: The Forbidden Truth. He has 
worked for the French Secret Services and wrote a report for them in 1997 on 
Bin Laden's Al Qaeda network.
Guillaume Dasquie, co-author of Bin Laden: The Forbidden Truth. He is an 
investigative journalist and publisher of Intelligence Online.
Related link:


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Ireland Tops List of Most Open Economies; Iran...

2002-01-11 Thread Mohammad Maljoo

The top ten most globalized countries in 2000 by rank were: Ireland, 
Switzerland, Singapore, the Netherlands, Sweden, Finland, Canada, Denmark, 
Austria and the U.K.
The bottom ten, from lowest up, were: Iran, Peru, Colombia, Indonesia, 
Brazil, Venezuela, Pakistan, Turkey, South Africa and China.

http://quote.bloomberg.com/fgcgi.cgi?mnu=newsptitle=Politics%20UKtp=ad_uknewsT=news_storypage99.htad=uk_politicss=APDyXkRNKSXJlbGFu

Ireland Tops List of Most Open Economies; U.S. Ranks 12th
By Blair Pethel


Washington, Jan. 9 (Bloomberg) -- Ireland, Switzerland and Singapore were 
the world's most open economies in 2000, while Colombia, Peru and Iran were 
the least globalized of the 62 nations surveyed, according to a study.

The globalization index, assembled by Washington-based Foreign Policy 
magazine and Electronic Data System Corp.'s global consultancy A.T. Kearney 
Inc., measures economic integration, cross-border personal contact, 
transnational political engagement and technology usage to reach its 
conclusions.

The U.S. ranks 12th on the list, scoring high in the technology and 
political engagement measures, but low on cross- border personal contact and 
economic integration.

``Countries with large internal markets tend to be less highly globalized 
than countries which have small internal markets and therefore are forced to 
seek relationship outside their borders to sustain themselves 
economically,'' said Paul Laudicina, vice president of A.T. Kearney.

U.S. citizens scored low on the personal contact measure because most people 
do not travel abroad or have foreign contact via telephone or e-mail, he 
said.

That explains the high rankings of Ireland, Singapore and Switzerland, 
Laudicina said. Those countries depend on trade, foreign investment and 
tourism for much of their national sustenance.

`High Water Mark'

Moises Naim, editor of Foreign Policy magazine, said that because of the 
global economic decline, the year 2000 probably represents the ``high water 
mark'' of globalization.

Since cross-border trade and investment flows dwindled to a trickle last 
year, the 2001 index could be drastically different when it is released next 
year, he said.

China, through its new membership in the World Trade Organization, could 
vault up the rankings in 2001 from its 2000 position of 53rd, he said.

``Last year, when Brazil experienced a downturn in foreign direct investment 
from $31 billion to $20 billion, China went from $42 billion to $50 
billion,'' said Laudicina.

Continued investment flows, coupled with a growing consumer class and 
further economic integration, should push the world's most populous nation 
up the rankings in coming years, he said.

The top ten most globalized countries in 2000 by rank were: Ireland, 
Switzerland, Singapore, the Netherlands, Sweden, Finland, Canada, Denmark, 
Austria and the U.K.

The bottom ten, from lowest up, were: Iran, Peru, Colombia, Indonesia, 
Brazil, Venezuela, Pakistan, Turkey, South Africa and China.




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Dissidents' Trial Begins in Iran

2002-01-09 Thread Mohammad Maljoo

TEHRAN, Iran - The trial of 15 Iranian dissidents charged with plotting to 
overthrow the Islamic establishment began behind closed doors Tuesday at the 
hard-line Revolutionary Court in Tehran.

Outside the courthouse, some 20 family members of the defendants staged a 
sit-in demonstration in below-freezing temperatures to protest the closing 
of the trial to the public.

Narges Mohammadi, the wife of accused activist and writer Taqi Rahmani, 
called the trial a mockery of justice.

``There is nothing valid about this trial,'' she told reporters. Mohammadi 
said her husband had been charged with ``apostasy,'' which carries the death 
sentence in Iran.

The defendants are mainly writers, journalists and university professors 
from the liberal National Religious Alliance. Most were arrested in March 
for attending a meeting at the home of a prominent political activist, and 
some were arrested later. If convicted, they could face long prison terms.

Six of those being held have been in jail as long as 13 months, some in 
solitary confinement. Nine others were recently released on bail.

Defendants include opposition leaders Habibollah Peyman and Ezatollah 
Sahabi, and journalist Reza Alijani, who recently won an award from the 
Paris-based Reporters Without Borders.

Iran has been caught up in a power struggle between religious liberals and 
conservatives that intensified after the 1997 election of the reformist 
President Mohammad Khatami (news - web sites). The popular president was 
re-elected last year for another four-year term.

Religious hard-liners who control key institutions such as the judiciary 
have stalled efforts by Khatami to ease religious restrictions and allow 
more political freedom for Iran's predominantly young population.

Since last year, the hard-liners have illegally closed down nearly every 
liberal publication, jailing and intimidating journalists, academics and 
activists. They have also jailed legislators who dared to criticize the 
heavy-handed tactics.

The National Religious Alliance, a liberal political group opposed to Iran's 
hard-line clerics, rejects violence and seeks political reforms within the 
Islamic establishment.

Iranian reformers and international human rights groups have criticized the 
trial. In a statement ahead of the trial, Reporters Without Borders said it 
was worried the accused were not getting a strong defense.

``We have full reason to fear that these journalists will not be given a 
fair trial. To date their advocates have not had access to their clients' 
files nor even to the indictment,'' the group's general secretary, Robert 
Menard, said in a written statement Monday.





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Turning the sacred into an instrument of joy

2002-01-03 Thread Mohammad Maljoo

Here is a part of Social Change in Iran: An Eyewitness Account of Dissent, 
Defiance, and New Movements for Rights by Behzad Yaghmaian ( It will be 
published in January 2002). Iranian society has had an immensely rich and 
diverse experience during the past six years. This book is the first 
systematic effort to capture the meaning and significance of this experience 
and to draw theoretical understanding form it.

Mohammad Maljoo


http://www.iranian.com/Books/2001/November/Social/

Hossein Party: Turning the sacred into an instrument of joy


It was the Month of Moharram again, around the Norouz (New Year) I recall. 
It was in Moharram that, nearly fourteen centuries ago, Imam Hossein, the 
third Shiite Imam and a grandson of Mohammad the prophet, was martyred with 
seventy-one comrades in a war with a large army of enemy soldiers in the 
desert of Karbala.
I remembered Moharram from my childhood days in Tehrana month of mourning, 
self-beating, religious parades at nights, and free food on the day Imam 
Hossein was martyred. I always liked going to the parades with my friends. 
We could stay out until really late at night.
We also beat our chests imitating the adults, men in black shirts, and the 
kids who seemed much more devoted than us. They cried for Imam Hossein, beat 
their chests nearly to death, passed out, and were carried away by the men 
in black. Brave, heroic, and devoted, they were envied by other kids. Oh, 
how much I loved to be able to cry like them, and get carried away by the 
men in black. But I could not. I was not really hurt, no matter how much I 
tried to convince myself of the psychological pains of the loss of Imam 
Hossein thirteen hundred years back. I guess I was not a good Shiite.
That was then. Now I was back in Tehran during the month Moharram many years 
later. This was Moharram in the Islamic Republic, the state that celebrated 
the martyrdom and dying for God and Islam, and made a virtue of mourning, 
self-beating, sorrow, and worldly pain. This was Moharram during the 20th 
anniversary of the Islamic Republic: no music on radio and television for a 
month, unshaved men in black shirts, Quran readings, black flags, and 
magnificent religious parades
Having spent long hours writing, tired of staring at my computer screen, I 
heard the phone ring. You are invited to a party tonight, a Hossein Party, 
said the happy young relative, wishing to show me the other side of the 
Islamic Republic. I laughed, thinking that this was a bad joke by my bored 
relative. A joke this was not! I was told of Hossein Parties across the city 
that night. Curious and tired of writing, I accepted the invitation.
A mild night in early spring, I waited for my sixteen-year old relative in 
front of her parent,s flat, waiting for the girls to get ready. And the 
girls appeared before my eyes in a column of seven. They came dressed up, 
made up, wearing loud lipsticks and shoes with high soles -- the fashion in 
the Islamic Republic. They came with nicely brushed hair, scarves pushed 
back to reveal their young hair, and the scent of all types of expensive and 
cheap perfumes filling the fresh air of this early spring night.
On our way to the party, we were joined by other teams of young teenage 
girls and boys, all dressed in their best, wearing strong perfumes and 
colognes, joyfully marching towards the big party of the night. Youthful 
laughter, occasional ringing of cellular phones in the hands of the voyagers 
of joy, and secrets whispered into the ears of friends -- this was the night 
I went to a Hossein Party in Tehran, twenty years after the victory of the 
Islamic Republic.
And finally at the Hossein Party, I stood in the middle of a street in the 
state of disbelief. A bright street, busy, noisy, and active -- this was the 
site of the Hossein Party I attended in the 20th anniversary of the Islamic 
Republic. I stood facing the local high school with walls covered with black 
and green flags, loud Quran recitation from the loudspeakers inside, and 
young men going in and out of the school, looking busy and important.
Hundreds of teenage boys and girls, festive looking and beautiful, they 
created a spectacle of defiance in the Islamic Republic of Iran. Boys on one 
side of the street, girls on the other side, boys driving around in fancy 
cars, girls going up and down eyeing the boys -- they were the boys and the 
girls of the Islamic Republic on the night before the martyrdom of Imam 
Hossein. They stayed out late, marched in the parade, returned to the school 
and stuffed their sensual selves with the free food -- rice and curry, the 
courtesy of the Hossein Party!
Boys in blue jeans, hip hairdos, and cool shirts. They stroke their chests 
in mourning, blinking at the girls marching behind them. Girls in expensive 
shoes -- their best shoes indeed. They paraded, chanting words of sorrow 
after their heroic boys. Eyes meeting eyes, hearts opening to hearts, the 
sensation of desire

Re: The Global Economy

2001-12-22 Thread Mohammad Maljoo

I write to thank all who responded, particularly Yves Bajard; I now have a 
few good list of sources of studies . Yves, do you think that changes in 
informatiom technology have not contributed  to affect the restructuration 
of the organization of world production in the global economy? Is 
information technology  only an avatar of the  organization of world 
production? Do you think there is no inverse relation?

Incidentally, Yves Bajard kindly reminds me that if you are undertaking a 
research, it is your task, not orus, to identify the data base I agree 
with what he says, but it was not  my intention to have a free ride, as I 
had written: I would highly appreciate any reference on these topics.

Best,
Mohammad Maljoo







Why do you want answers to such a complex questions? In itself it would
warrant considerable research, to be organized into sub-sections of the
theme you raise. Also, I do not think that changes in the information
technology  affect fundamentally the restructur(ation of) the
organization of world production in the global economy. The underlying
forces of the global economy command the production and they are not
technical, but due to cultural and psychological aspects of our species and
social behavior. Information technology is just an avatar of the
organization of world production, with a minor interest relative to the
gobal problematique.

Let us add to this point that if you are undertaking a research, it is your
task, not orus, to identify the data base...

Respectfully

Yves Bajard


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The Global Economy

2001-12-21 Thread Mohammad Maljoo


Four days ago I asked some questions about the organization of world 
production. Do you remember?  Apart from one case, I didn't receive any 
reply perhaps because of their vagueness. Well, the less vague questions are 
as follow: how do changes in the information technology restructure the 
organization of world production in the global economy? whether one can 
classify different approaches in this regard? I would highly appreciate any 
reference on these topics.

   Best,
   Mohammad Maljoo


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The Organization of World Production

2001-12-18 Thread Mohammad Maljoo



I am working against time to study a problem point.  But some subsidary 
subjects have attracted my attention. : What are consequences of 
globalization for organaizing world production ?  What is the impact of 
technological changes on the organization of world production ? What is the 
relationship between globalization and the organization of world production 
? Whether one can categorize different approaches in this regard? Could you 
please guide me?

Regards
Mohammad Maljoo

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Mossadegh CIA (coup of 1953 inside Iran)

2001-11-19 Thread Mohammad Maljoo




A New video:

For the 1st time after nearly 50 years, the facts
about the CIA led coup against Prime Minister
Mohammad Mossadegh is told by ex-CIA officers
and western politicians. A rare look at the
history and CIA's involvement in toppling foreign
governments:

http://iranianmovies.com/reviews/ciacoup.html


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Some Questions

2001-11-18 Thread Mohammad Maljoo

Hi,
Could you please say me what is the definition of  Sociology of Economics? 
Is it a subdiscipline of economic science? What is its relationship with 
economics? What is its status in economics departments? What is its history? 
  Mohammad


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Re: ALARM! A new publication

2001-09-24 Thread Mohammad Maljoo




From: Macdonald Stainsby [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Reply-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
To: Rad Green [EMAIL PROTECTED], 
[EMAIL PROTECTED],   [EMAIL PROTECTED], 
[EMAIL PROTECTED]
CC: Leninist International [EMAIL PROTECTED],  
  [EMAIL PROTECTED], Project X [EMAIL PROTECTED],   Socialist 
Register [EMAIL PROTECTED],   [EMAIL PROTECTED], 
[EMAIL PROTECTED]
Subject: [PEN-L:17592] ALARM! A new publication
Date: Sun, 23 Sep 2001 13:45:04 -0700


  Hello:

  We have just published 16,000 copies of an 8-page tabloid: ALARM! Against
  War and Racism. It's out around Vancouver, with 5,000 going to Toronto 
and
  elsewhere. They are available for pickup at 706 Clark Drive. If you live
  outside of Vancouver and would like some Greyhound couriered please email
  reply.  The online version: www.tao.ca/~mayworks/911 is almost completed,
  with the rest of the articles being posted to the site today.

  The USA is planning to bomb depeleted uranium on 5 million starving 
Afghani
  people. Vengeance will not bring justice for the victims of the 
deplorable
  September 11 attacks.

  Irwin




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