RE: Supreme Court sides with church on decision to fire employee on religious grounds

2012-01-12 Thread Berg, Thomas C.
Alan, I'm not predicting two more justices, let alone with any certainty, or 
talking about all lay teachers.  I was only making the point that three 
justices adopted a broader standard than the majority, and the fact that one of 
them was Kagan is notable and makes the road to additional votes significantly 
easier than otherwise.  My sense, from oral argument among other things, was 
that Roberts and Scalia would be easier fifth votes than Kennedy to go further 
than these facts.  On your second point, in many religious schools, at least 
some lay teachers have a central role, not just some role, in communicating the 
religious message, as Lemon and many other cases have emphasized.  

Finally, I agree that funding complicates things.  I assume that government has 
authority to refuse to fund positions where discriminatory selection criteria 
operate (although, as you know, I think religious-belief selection criteria are 
a different case concerning religious organizations).  I wouldn't turn that 
authority into carte blanche for funding restrictions.  Would you say the mere 
fact that some lay teachers at a school would be classified within the 
ministerial exception would justify excluding all students at that school from 
participating in a true private choice voucher program, or (at the college 
level) from receiving state scholarships?  Would you say this even if the 
school had not been shown to discriminate but merely referred to such teachers 
as ministers?

-
Thomas C. Berg
James L. Oberstar Professor of Law and Public Policy
University of St. Thomas School of Law
MSL 400, 1000 LaSalle Avenue
Minneapolis, MN   55403-2015
Phone: 651 962 4918
Fax: 651 962 4881
E-mail: tcb...@stthomas.edu
SSRN: http://ssrn.com/author='261564
Weblog: http://www.mirrorofjustice.blogs.com


From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu [religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] 
on behalf of Alan Brownstein [aebrownst...@ucdavis.edu]
Sent: Thursday, January 12, 2012 12:01 AM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: RE: Supreme Court sides with church on decision to fire employee on
religious grounds

Tom,

I have long since given up trying to predict how Supreme Court justices will 
decide future cases (or to assume that there will be logical consistency or 
even intellectual integrity in all opinions.) But Justice Roberts clearly and 
repeatedly emphasizes the title, status, and acknowledged role of minister or 
clergy as significant factors in reaching his decision in this case. Why are 
you so confident that all of this language in the opinion is superflous? I 
agree that Alito and Kagan's concurrence provides more support for including 
some lay teachers in the exception. But even they say What matters is that 
respondent played an important role as an instrument of her church’s religious 
message and as a leader of its worship activities.  The words important role 
and a leader arguably mean something different than some role and a 
participant.

Finally, of course, there is the question of how the understanding of who 
qualifies for the ministerial exception relates to the question of what 
positions the government can fund in religious institutions. Can the government 
fund the salary of teachers who play an important role as an instrument of 
their church's religious message and as a leader in its worship activities? If 
the answer to that question is Yes and it is also true that such teachers are 
enough like clergy in their religious functions to be included in the 
ministerial exception, would it follow that government can also fund the salary 
of clergy? Is it constitutionally permissible for the government to refuse to 
fund teaching positions at a religious school which refuses to hire 
African-Americans, women, and the disabled as teachers?

Alan




From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu [religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] 
on behalf of Berg, Thomas C. [tcb...@stthomas.edu]
Sent: Wednesday, January 11, 2012 7:47 PM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: RE: Supreme Court sides with church on decision to fire employee on
religious grounds

Alan,

I agree that the majority leaves open the issue of lay teachers.  But since 
three justices take a broader approach to defining a minister, all you need for 
a majority in a later case is two more votes, and Roberts and Scalia seem 
reasonable prospects to me in a case that presents the issue.  Thomas would 
defer heavily to the religious organization's characterization of an employee 
as a minister.  And Alito and Kagan say that ordained or commissioned status 
isn't crucial, that the criterion is “positions of substantial religious 
importance”—including those “teaching and conveying the tenets of the faith to 
the next generation”--and that 

Re: Supreme Court sides with church on decision to fire employee on religious grounds

2012-01-12 Thread Marci Hamilton
Do we get anymore out of this opinion on this issue than the fact the Sixth 
Circuit reaches the wrong decision regarding whether she is an employee or a 
minister?   There several tests out there and none are explicitly embraced or 
rejected.   

Marci

On Jan 11, 2012, at 2:47 PM, Alan Brownstein aebrownst...@ucdavis.edu wrote:

 Rick,
  
 As to lay teachers at religious schools, the Court said, “We express no view 
 on whether someone with Perich’s duties would be covered by the ministerial 
 exception in the absence of the other considerations we have discussed.”  I 
 thought that left open the issue of lay teachers at religious schools. Have I 
 missed something here?
  
 Alan
  
 From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
 [mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Rick Garnett
 Sent: Wednesday, January 11, 2012 11:34 AM
 To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
 Subject: RE: Supreme Court sides with church on decision to fire employee on 
 religious grounds
  
 Dear Marci,
  
 I guess not, but I think people usually think of “clergy” as ordained, or as 
 otherwise officially designated.  I think the opinion constitutionalizes an 
 exception that covers a broader category of “ministers” (including, of 
 course, many lay teachers at parochial schools, who are not usually referred 
 to as “clergy.”).
  
 Best wishes,
  
 Rick
  
 Richard W. Garnett
 Professor of Law and Associate Dean
 Notre Dame Law School
 P.O. Box 780
 Notre Dame, Indiana 46556-0780
  
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RE: Supreme Court sides with church on decision to fire employee on religious grounds

2012-01-12 Thread Berg, Thomas C.
Alan,

I agree that the majority leaves open the issue of lay teachers.  But since 
three justices take a broader approach to defining a minister, all you need for 
a majority in a later case is two more votes, and Roberts and Scalia seem 
reasonable prospects to me in a case that presents the issue.  Thomas would 
defer heavily to the religious organization's characterization of an employee 
as a minister.  And Alito and Kagan say that ordained or commissioned status 
isn't crucial, that the criterion is “positions of substantial religious 
importance”—including those “teaching and conveying the tenets of the faith to 
the next generation”--and that the constitutional protection of religious 
teachers is not somehow diminished when they take on secular functions in 
addition to their religious ones.  What matters is that respondent played an 
important role as an instrument of her church’s religious message and as a 
leader of its worship activities.  I can see many lay teachers in seriously 
religious schools satisfying such a test.  Kagan’s agreement with that standard 
is quite significant, as is her joining the Alito concurrence overall.

Tom

-
Thomas C. Berg
James L. Oberstar Professor of Law and Public Policy
University of St. Thomas School of Law
MSL 400, 1000 LaSalle Avenue
Minneapolis, MN   55403-2015
Phone: (651) 962-4918
Fax: (651) 962-4996
E-mail: tcb...@stthomas.edumailto:tcb...@stthomas.edu
SSRN: http://ssrn.com/author='261564
Weblog: 
http://www.mirrorofjustice.blogs.comhttp://www.mirrorofjustice.blogs.com/mirrorofjustice


From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Alan Brownstein
Sent: Wednesday, January 11, 2012 1:47 PM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: RE: Supreme Court sides with church on decision to fire employee on 
religious grounds

Rick,

As to lay teachers at religious schools, the Court said, “We express no view on 
whether someone with Perich’s duties would be covered by the ministerial 
exception in the absence of the other considerations we have discussed.”  I 
thought that left open the issue of lay teachers at religious schools. Have I 
missed something here?

Alan

From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Rick Garnett
Sent: Wednesday, January 11, 2012 11:34 AM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: RE: Supreme Court sides with church on decision to fire employee on 
religious grounds

Dear Marci,

I guess not, but I think people usually think of “clergy” as ordained, or as 
otherwise officially designated.  I think the opinion constitutionalizes an 
exception that covers a broader category of “ministers” (including, of course, 
many lay teachers at parochial schools, who are not usually referred to as 
“clergy.”).

Best wishes,

Rick

Richard W. Garnett
Professor of Law and Associate Dean
Notre Dame Law School
P.O. Box 780
Notre Dame, Indiana 46556-0780

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RE: Hosanna-Tabor

2012-01-12 Thread Douglas Laycock
He certainly could have said more about Smith, but I think they found it
easy. The relevance of Smith was extensively briefed by all sides.  And at
oral argument, Scalia (the author of Smith) said emphatically that This
case has nothing to do with Smith.

Douglas Laycock
Robert E. Scott Distinguished Professor of Law
University of Virginia Law School
580 Massie Road
Charlottesville, VA  22903
 434-243-8546


-Original Message-
From: Eric J Segall [mailto:eseg...@gsu.edu] 
Sent: Wednesday, January 11, 2012 12:51 PM
To: Douglas Laycock; 'Con Law Prof list'
Cc: religionlaw@lists.ucla.edu
Subject: RE: Hosanna-Tabor

Well, I am a bit reluctant to get into this with Doug and Gene but just a
couple of  thoughts. Smith, and the Court's recent Establishment Clause
jurisprudence, especially the parochial school aid cases, seem to suggest
that neutrality and general applicability are the keys to the Religion
Clauses (certainly Scalia and Thomas think so). I guess that's not true for
internal church governance but not sure why and, being one who believes
strongly in  Thayer type deference, I am not sure this is not one of those
cases where the result makes sense but is not constitutionally required.

I hope Doug and Gene agree that Smith was dismissed a bit too casually in
Roberts' opinion, if nothing else.

Best,

Eric

From: Douglas Laycock [dlayc...@virginia.edu]
Sent: Wednesday, January 11, 2012 11:42 AM
To: Eric J Segall; 'Con Law Prof list'
Cc: religionlaw@lists.ucla.edu
Subject: Hosanna-Tabor

Is anyone convinced by the Court's distinction of Smith? Well actually, all
nine Justices were convinced, all twelve federal circuits have been
convinced, and twelve state supreme courts have been convinced, with none
going the other way.  Physical acts is not the best label for the scope of
Smith, but the basic distinction between internal church governance and
other matters goes all the way back to Locke. It is embedded in a line of
Supreme Court cases that long pre-date Sherbert and Yoder and that
peacefully co-existed with Reynolds v. United States (a case refusing
religious exemptions).

Douglas Laycock
Robert E. Scott Distinguished Professor of Law University of Virginia Law
School
580 Massie Road
Charlottesville, VA  22903
 434-243-8546


-Original Message-
From: conlawprof-boun...@lists.ucla.edu
[mailto:conlawprof-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Eric J Segall
Sent: Wednesday, January 11, 2012 10:40 AM
To: Con Law Prof list
Subject: RE: Hosanna-Tabor II

This is the sum total, after a quick read, of what the Court said about
Smith:

But a church's selection of its ministers is unlike an individual's
ingestion of peyote. Smith involved government regulation of only outward
physical acts.  The present case, in contrast, concerns government
interference with an internal church decision that affects the faith and
mission of the church itself.  See id., at 877 (distinguishing the
government's regulation ofphysical acts from its lend[ing] its power to
one or the other side in controversies over religious authority or dogma).
The contention that Smith forecloses recognition of a ministerial exception
rooted in the Religion Clauses has no merit.

Physical acts, v. an internal church decision.

Is anyone convinced by this?



From: Eric J Segall
Sent: Wednesday, January 11, 2012 10:34 AM
To: Con Law Prof list
Subject: Hosanna-Tabor

So Title VII, a generally applicable law that was not passed to hurt or
affect religion (and in fact protects religion), does not apply to religious
groups.  I am not an expert in the Free Exercise Area, but how can Scalia
join this opinion? Am I  missing something?

Thanks,

Eric

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Re: Supreme Court sides with church on decision to fire employee on religious grounds

2012-01-12 Thread Marci Hamilton
The decision is much narrower than Joel's description.  It does not cover all 
employees of religious organizations--only clergy.  And it only involves claims 
involving discrimination against the religious organization,
leaving open litigation from even clergy on contract and tort theories.  

Marci



On Jan 11, 2012, at 12:26 PM, Joel wrote:

  
 The Supreme Court has sided unanimously with a church sued for firing an 
 employee on religious grounds, issuing an opinion on Wednesday that religious 
 employers can keep the government out of hiring and firing decisions.
  
 In the case of Hosanna-Tabor v. EEOC, Cheryl Perich, a called teacher, 
 argued that the Hosanna-Tabor Evangelical Lutheran Church and School of 
 Redford, Mich., had discriminated against her under the Americans With 
 Disabilities Act by refusing to reinstate her to her job after she took leave 
 for narcolepsy.
  
  
 http://www.foxnews.com/politics/2012/01/11/supreme-court-sides-with-church-on-decision-to-fire-employee-on-religious/
  
  
 Joel L. Sogol
 Attorney at Law
 811 21st Ave.
 Tuscaloosa, Alabama  35401
 ph (205) 345-0966
 fx (205) 345-0971
 email:  jlsa...@wwisp.com
 website: www.joelsogol.com
 Ben Franklin observed that truth wins a fair fight - which is why we have 
 evidence rules in U.S. courts.
  
 ___
 To post, send message to Religionlaw@lists.ucla.edu
 To subscribe, unsubscribe, change options, or get password, see 
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 people can read the Web archives; and list members can (rightly or wrongly) 
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Re: Hosanna-Tabor

2012-01-12 Thread David Cruz
I agree.  :-)

And great to have seen you in DC!


David B. Cruz
Professor of Law
University of Southern California Gould School of Law
Los Angeles, CA 90089-0071
U.S.A.

On Jan 11, 2012, at 6:49 PM, Marci Hamilton 
hamilto...@aol.commailto:hamilto...@aol.com wrote:

I agree with David, though I would characterize the Court's paradigmatic 
concern as being about the right to choose selection criteria.  Catholics and 
Orthodox Jews plainly have the right to favor men over women and Hosanna Tabor 
Lutherans have the right to choose mediators instead of litigators.   I am not 
persuaded by Howard's characterization of some kind of institutional autonomy.  
 The unanimous decision is too carefully parsed for that to be a touchstone for 
future interpretation. The way the decision is  constructed and explained, 
there are many open questions and every case will be fact specific.
Except we know for sure that there is no jurisdictional bar so cases will have 
to be scrutinized by the courts  and subject to judicial interpretation.   Marci

On Jan 11, 2012, at 8:58 PM, David Cruz 
dc...@law.usc.edumailto:dc...@law.usc.edu wrote:

It seems to me an easy distinction between the case of the undocumented 
minister posited by Howard and today's case is that if the government deports 
someone for being unlawfully present, that is in no way predicated upon a 
decision by a church to select that person as a minister; the church's decision 
is simply irrelevant to the government's legal claim for deportation.  Wrongful 
termination suits, grounded in tort law or antidiscrimination law, however, do 
depend upon a church's reasons for firing someone, which is what I take the 
Court's opinion to be getting at.  Similar reasoning would apply to questions 
of ministers' arrestability.  The emphasis, it seems to me, should be less on 
civil interference with employment clergy and more on civil interference with 
selection (or de-selection) of clergy.

David B. Cruz
Professor of Law
University of Southern California Gould School of Law
Los Angeles, CA 90089-0071
U.S.A.

On Jan 11, 2012, at 4:54 PM, Friedman, Howard M. 
howard.fried...@utoledo.edumailto:howard.fried...@utoledo.edu wrote:


I think that the decision has much broader implications for church autonomy. I 
have just developed this argument in some detail in a posting on Religion 
Clause, for those who may be interested in reading it. 
http://religionclause.blogspot.com/2012/01/analysis-some-thoughts-on-church.html
  I welcome any reactions.

Howard Friedman


-Original Message-
From: 
religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edumailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
on behalf of John Taylor
Sent: Wed 1/11/2012 3:26 PM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: RE: Hosanna-Tabor

There was a very good panel on the case at AALS Saturday morning (organized by 
Chris Lund and featuring Doug, Rick, Bob Tuttle, Caroline Corbin, and Leslie 
Griffin) and it included, among other things, an exchange between Rick Garnett 
and Bob Tuttle on the rationale for the ministerial exception.  While both 
acknowledged that they were overstating their differences, the contrast (as I 
understood it) was one between viewing the ministerial exception as completely 
(or almost completely) about the judicial disability to decide religious 
questions (a.k.a. the hands-off principle, the no religious decisions 
principle per Eugene) and viewing it as protecting certain kinds of decisions 
made by religious groups whether religious questions have to be decided or not. 
 (Maybe I've got that all wrong, and if so my apologies to Rick and Bob.)

While I agree that autonomy is a loaded word that the majority did not use 
and I agree that this case doesn't and isn't meant to reach beyond employment 
discrimination claims by ministers, the second view does seem to me 
potentially a bit broader than the first.  For example, Caroline Corbin and 
Leslie Griffin suggested at the panel that since this was a retaliation case, 
all the court really had to decide was whether there had been retaliation and 
this was not a religious question.  (Their argument, I think, was that the 
church's response -- it was retaliation based on religious principle -- is 
irrelevant unless there's a religious exemption from the retaliation provisions 
in the ABA.  Since Smith forecloses the latter argument, they suggested, you 
could decide the case without getting beyond the fact of retaliation, which was 
essentially admitted by the church.)  That argument may have some force if one 
thinks that the ministerial exception is entirely about disability to decide 
religious questions, but it has little force if one simply says, Look, the 
idea that religious groups get to decide who will play important spiritual 
roles without state interference is very old, and state interference in the 
selection of clergy is at the core of what the Establishment Clause meant to 
forbid.  If she's a minister, the state can't 

RE: Hosanna-Tabor

2012-01-12 Thread Volokh, Eugene
I agree with Doug on this, and want to add one item:  The 
Sherbert/Yoder regime put courts in the position of having to evaluate a vast 
range of laws -- antidiscrimination laws, animal cruelty laws, assisted suicide 
bans, child labor laws, compelled testimony laws, copyright laws, drug laws, 
tax laws, traffic laws, zoning laws, and more -- in lawsuits brought by anyone 
who could sincerely claim a religious objection to their application to him (a 
group that might start small for each law, but might well grow as the 
availability of exemptions led people, subconsciously or deliberately, to 
assert convenient religious beliefs).  The Smith majority rebelled (I think 
correctly) against having federal courts deciding in each case whether the 
government interest was compelling enough and whether the law was really 
necessary to serve the interest, which is to say against having federal 
courts constantly second-guessing the legislature's moral and practical 
judgment behind a vas!
 t range of laws.  (This is also, I think, why the Court has provided extremely 
modest protection against content-neutral restrictions on expressive conduct, 
both imposing in O'Brien a much more deferential test than strict scrutiny and 
then holding in Rumsfeld v. FAIR that the protection would in any event only 
apply to a narrow range of conduct that was expressive on its own.)
 
Hosanna-Tabor puts courts in the position of constraining legislative 
judgment only as to a narrow range of conduct: church selection of ministers.  
Despite the Court's point that the right is not the same as the right to 
freedom of association, this zone of judicial control is already not far from 
the zone where judges have to protect expressive associations' rights to choose 
leaders and members.  What's more, this is a zone where there has been a much 
more solid and consistent history of immunity from governmental control.  And 
in any event, it's just substantively quite a narrow zone.

So while the private interest involved in Smith and Hosanna-Tabor may 
be comparable -- or in some Smith cases even greater -- and the government 
interest may often be similar (indeed, Smith applies to antidiscrimination laws 
themselves), the magnitude of the judicial intrusion in Sherbert/Yoder is much 
greater than in Hosanna-Tabor.  And that, I think, rightly makes a big 
difference.

Eugene

 -Original Message-
 From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu [mailto:religionlaw-
 boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Douglas Laycock
 Sent: Wednesday, January 11, 2012 8:42 AM
 To: 'Eric J Segall'; 'Con Law Prof list'
 Cc: religionlaw@lists.ucla.edu
 Subject: Hosanna-Tabor
 
 Is anyone convinced by the Court's distinction of Smith? Well actually, all
 nine Justices were convinced, all twelve federal circuits have been
 convinced, and twelve state supreme courts have been convinced, with none
 going the other way.  Physical acts is not the best label for the scope of
 Smith, but the basic distinction between internal church governance and
 other matters goes all the way back to Locke. It is embedded in a line of
 Supreme Court cases that long pre-date Sherbert and Yoder and that
 peacefully co-existed with Reynolds v. United States (a case refusing
 religious exemptions).
 
 Douglas Laycock
 Robert E. Scott Distinguished Professor of Law
 University of Virginia Law School
 580 Massie Road
 Charlottesville, VA  22903
  434-243-8546
 
 
 -Original Message-
 From: conlawprof-boun...@lists.ucla.edu
 [mailto:conlawprof-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Eric J Segall
 Sent: Wednesday, January 11, 2012 10:40 AM
 To: Con Law Prof list
 Subject: RE: Hosanna-Tabor II
 
 This is the sum total, after a quick read, of what the Court said about
 Smith:
 
 But a church's selection of its ministers is unlike an individual's
 ingestion of peyote. Smith involved government regulation of only outward
 physical acts.  The present case, in contrast, concerns government
 interference with an internal church decision that affects the faith and
 mission of the church itself.  See id., at 877 (distinguishing the
 government's regulation ofphysical acts from its lend[ing] its power to
 one or the other side in controversies over religious authority or dogma).
 The contention that Smith forecloses recognition of a ministerial exception
 rooted in the Religion Clauses has no merit.
 
 Physical acts, v. an internal church decision.
 
 Is anyone convinced by this?
 
 
 
 From: Eric J Segall
 Sent: Wednesday, January 11, 2012 10:34 AM
 To: Con Law Prof list
 Subject: Hosanna-Tabor
 
 So Title VII, a generally applicable law that was not passed to hurt or
 affect religion (and in fact protects religion), does not apply to religious
 groups.  I am not an expert in the Free Exercise Area, but how can Scalia
 join this opinion? Am I  missing something?
 
 Thanks,
 
 Eric
 
 

RE: Supreme Court sides with church on decision to fire employee on religious grounds

2012-01-12 Thread Rick Garnett
Dear Marci,

I think you are right about the second sentence, but I disagree with your 
second.  The opinion seems clearly to reach beyond clergy.

Best wishes,

Rick

Richard W. Garnett
Professor of Law and Associate Dean
Notre Dame Law School
P.O. Box 780
Notre Dame, Indiana 46556-0780

574-631-6981 (w)
574-276-2252 (cell)

SSRN pagehttp://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/cf_dev/AbsByAuth.cfm?per_id=342235

Blogs:

Prawfsblawghttp://prawfsblawg.blogs.com/
Mirror of Justicehttp://www.mirrorofjustice.blogs.com/
Law, Religion, and Ethicshttp://lawreligionethics.net/

From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Marci Hamilton
Sent: Wednesday, January 11, 2012 12:34 PM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: Re: Supreme Court sides with church on decision to fire employee on 
religious grounds

The decision is much narrower than Joel's description.  It does not cover all 
employees of religious organizations--only clergy.  And it only involves claims 
involving discrimination against the religious organization,
leaving open litigation from even clergy on contract and tort theories.

Marci



On Jan 11, 2012, at 12:26 PM, Joel wrote:



The Supreme Court has sided unanimously with a church sued for firing an 
employee on religious grounds, issuing an opinion on Wednesday that religious 
employers can keep the government out of hiring and firing decisions.

In the case of Hosanna-Tabor v. EEOC, Cheryl Perich, a called teacher, argued 
that the Hosanna-Tabor Evangelical Lutheran Church and School of Redford, 
Mich., had discriminated against her under the Americans With Disabilities Act 
by refusing to reinstate her to her job after she took leave for narcolepsy.


http://www.foxnews.com/politics/2012/01/11/supreme-court-sides-with-church-on-decision-to-fire-employee-on-religious/


Joel L. Sogol
Attorney at Law
811 21st Ave.
Tuscaloosa, Alabama  35401
ph (205) 345-0966
fx (205) 345-0971
email:  jlsa...@wwisp.commailto:jlsa...@wwisp.com
website: www.joelsogol.comhttp://www.joelsogol.com
Ben Franklin observed that truth wins a fair fight - which is why we have 
evidence rules in U.S. courts.

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Religionlaw@lists.ucla.edumailto:Religionlaw@lists.ucla.edu
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RE: Hosanna-Tabor

2012-01-12 Thread John Taylor
There was a very good panel on the case at AALS Saturday morning (organized by 
Chris Lund and featuring Doug, Rick, Bob Tuttle, Caroline Corbin, and Leslie 
Griffin) and it included, among other things, an exchange between Rick Garnett 
and Bob Tuttle on the rationale for the ministerial exception.  While both 
acknowledged that they were overstating their differences, the contrast (as I 
understood it) was one between viewing the ministerial exception as completely 
(or almost completely) about the judicial disability to decide religious 
questions (a.k.a. the hands-off principle, the no religious decisions 
principle per Eugene) and viewing it as protecting certain kinds of decisions 
made by religious groups whether religious questions have to be decided or not. 
 (Maybe I've got that all wrong, and if so my apologies to Rick and Bob.)   
 
While I agree that autonomy is a loaded word that the majority did not use 
and I agree that this case doesn't and isn't meant to reach beyond employment 
discrimination claims by ministers, the second view does seem to me 
potentially a bit broader than the first.  For example, Caroline Corbin and 
Leslie Griffin suggested at the panel that since this was a retaliation case, 
all the court really had to decide was whether there had been retaliation and 
this was not a religious question.  (Their argument, I think, was that the 
church's response -- it was retaliation based on religious principle -- is 
irrelevant unless there's a religious exemption from the retaliation provisions 
in the ABA.  Since Smith forecloses the latter argument, they suggested, you 
could decide the case without getting beyond the fact of retaliation, which was 
essentially admitted by the church.)  That argument may have some force if one 
thinks that the ministerial exception is entirely about disability to decide 
religious questions, but it has little force if one simply says, Look, the 
idea that religious groups get to decide who will play important spiritual 
roles without state interference is very old, and state interference in the 
selection of clergy is at the core of what the Establishment Clause meant to 
forbid.  If she's a minister, the state can't second-guess that decision in an 
employment discrimination suit.  Period.
 
At least to me, the majority opinion reads like the quote at the end of the 
last paragraph.  It doesn't seem to hold out any possibility that some 
employment discrimination cases might be within the judiciary's competence to 
decide if only it could do so without getting into religious questions.  One 
could perhaps reach the same result by saying Where it's a discrimination 
claim, religious questions will always be involved and thus the 
no-religious-decisions principle explains everything.  Some panelists on 
Saturday appeared to express that view, and it might be correct.  But it's 
striking to me that this argument is made only by Alito.  The majority opinion 
seems to me closer in spirit to Rick's idea that maybe the hiring and firing of 
ministers is a matter of sphere sovereignty -- the state's authority to 
regulate here just runs out.  I think this is also the approach Doug asked them 
to take, and it's pretty similar to what we used to call church autonomy back 
in the day.  I understand the (good) reasons for some discomfort with the term, 
but I'm not sure the idea is all that different.  (At least in this context, 
I'm not sure that the difference between autonomy and internal church 
governance amounts to much.  Again, I agree with Marci and Doug that if this 
is church autonomy, it doesn't reach outside employment discrimination.)
 
John Taylor
Professor and Associate Dean for Academic Affairs
WVU College of Law
 


 Alan Brownstein aebrownst...@ucdavis.edu 1/11/2012 2:08 PM 
While there is a lot of merit in what Eugene writes, it seems to me that he is 
identifying three arguments in support of the ministerial exemption:

1. It has strong historical roots.

2. There is a freedom of association dimension to it.

3. It is very circumscribed in its scope and involves far less judicial 
intrusion into executive and legislative decisions.

All are valid points. But I'm not sure they adequately distinguish why this 
particular set of religious decisions gets constitutional protection while 
others do not.  

1. Other religious exemptions have strong historical roots. 

2. Many individual religious practices have an expressive dimension and 
communicate the beliefs and commitment of the believer. Is the right of 
expressive associations to choose their leaders more deserving of protection 
than the right of individuals and congregations to express their beliefs 
through religious worship and practice? And if the expressive associational 
dimension of religious groups choosing their leader is part of the foundation 
of this decision, one might argue that freedom of speech and association 
doctrine undermine the claim that organizations 

RE: Hosanna-Tabor

2012-01-12 Thread Friedman, Howard M.
I think that the decision has much broader implications for church autonomy. I 
have just developed this argument in some detail in a posting on Religion 
Clause, for those who may be interested in reading it. 
http://religionclause.blogspot.com/2012/01/analysis-some-thoughts-on-church.html
  I welcome any reactions.

Howard Friedman


-Original Message-
From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu on behalf of John Taylor
Sent: Wed 1/11/2012 3:26 PM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: RE: Hosanna-Tabor
 
There was a very good panel on the case at AALS Saturday morning (organized by 
Chris Lund and featuring Doug, Rick, Bob Tuttle, Caroline Corbin, and Leslie 
Griffin) and it included, among other things, an exchange between Rick Garnett 
and Bob Tuttle on the rationale for the ministerial exception.  While both 
acknowledged that they were overstating their differences, the contrast (as I 
understood it) was one between viewing the ministerial exception as completely 
(or almost completely) about the judicial disability to decide religious 
questions (a.k.a. the hands-off principle, the no religious decisions 
principle per Eugene) and viewing it as protecting certain kinds of decisions 
made by religious groups whether religious questions have to be decided or not. 
 (Maybe I've got that all wrong, and if so my apologies to Rick and Bob.)   
 
While I agree that autonomy is a loaded word that the majority did not use 
and I agree that this case doesn't and isn't meant to reach beyond employment 
discrimination claims by ministers, the second view does seem to me 
potentially a bit broader than the first.  For example, Caroline Corbin and 
Leslie Griffin suggested at the panel that since this was a retaliation case, 
all the court really had to decide was whether there had been retaliation and 
this was not a religious question.  (Their argument, I think, was that the 
church's response -- it was retaliation based on religious principle -- is 
irrelevant unless there's a religious exemption from the retaliation provisions 
in the ABA.  Since Smith forecloses the latter argument, they suggested, you 
could decide the case without getting beyond the fact of retaliation, which was 
essentially admitted by the church.)  That argument may have some force if one 
thinks that the ministerial exception is entirely about disability to decide 
religious questions, but it has little force if one simply says, Look, the 
idea that religious groups get to decide who will play important spiritual 
roles without state interference is very old, and state interference in the 
selection of clergy is at the core of what the Establishment Clause meant to 
forbid.  If she's a minister, the state can't second-guess that decision in an 
employment discrimination suit.  Period.
 
At least to me, the majority opinion reads like the quote at the end of the 
last paragraph.  It doesn't seem to hold out any possibility that some 
employment discrimination cases might be within the judiciary's competence to 
decide if only it could do so without getting into religious questions.  One 
could perhaps reach the same result by saying Where it's a discrimination 
claim, religious questions will always be involved and thus the 
no-religious-decisions principle explains everything.  Some panelists on 
Saturday appeared to express that view, and it might be correct.  But it's 
striking to me that this argument is made only by Alito.  The majority opinion 
seems to me closer in spirit to Rick's idea that maybe the hiring and firing of 
ministers is a matter of sphere sovereignty -- the state's authority to 
regulate here just runs out.  I think this is also the approach Doug asked them 
to take, and it's pretty similar to what we used to call church autonomy back 
in the day.  I understand the (good) reasons for some discomfort with the term, 
but I'm not sure the idea is all that different.  (At least in this context, 
I'm not sure that the difference between autonomy and internal church 
governance amounts to much.  Again, I agree with Marci and Doug that if this 
is church autonomy, it doesn't reach outside employment discrimination.)
 
John Taylor
Professor and Associate Dean for Academic Affairs
WVU College of Law
 


 Alan Brownstein aebrownst...@ucdavis.edu 1/11/2012 2:08 PM 
While there is a lot of merit in what Eugene writes, it seems to me that he is 
identifying three arguments in support of the ministerial exemption:

1. It has strong historical roots.

2. There is a freedom of association dimension to it.

3. It is very circumscribed in its scope and involves far less judicial 
intrusion into executive and legislative decisions.

All are valid points. But I'm not sure they adequately distinguish why this 
particular set of religious decisions gets constitutional protection while 
others do not.  

1. Other religious exemptions have strong historical roots. 

2. Many individual religious practices have an 

Re: Supreme Court sides with church on decision to fire employee on religious grounds

2012-01-12 Thread Marci Hamilton
Why would we think any of the 3 separate concurrers are expressing views shared 
by others?  At least from the oral argument, I would think they are on the 
fringe of thinking on these issues.  
 Don't forget Kagan was a prime mover behind RFRA and RLUIPA in the Clinton 
Administration.  I would not read her joining Alito as evidence of a middle 
ground.  Rather, they may share a world view in this arena

Marci


On Jan 11, 2012, at 3:03 PM, Steven Green sgr...@willamette.edu wrote:

 The most interesting part of the decision is of course what the Court did not 
 decide: who decides who is a minister in less obvious situations.  I don't 
 take Thomas' solo concurrence advocating near complete deference to church 
 officials as indicating he is the only justice who may vote that way; rather, 
 simply that reaching that issue was unnecessary to get a unanimous opinion.  
 In that Alito and Kagan are in opposite camps and they jointly offer a 
 functional approach may say something about those in the middle, but I find 
 their criteria too narrow to be a comprehensive statement.  I think others 
 may lean toward Thomas.
 
 Steve
 
 -- 
 Steven K. Green, J.D., Ph.D.
 Fred H. Paulus Professor of Law and Director
 Center for Religion, Law and Democracy
 Willamette University
 900 State St., S.E.
 Salem, Oregon 97301
 503-370-6732
 
 
 On Wed, Jan 11, 2012 at 11:33 AM, Rick Garnett rgarn...@nd.edu wrote:
 Dear Marci,
 
  
 
 I guess not, but I think people usually think of “clergy” as ordained, or as 
 otherwise officially designated.  I think the opinion constitutionalizes an 
 exception that covers a broader category of “ministers” (including, of 
 course, many lay teachers at parochial schools, who are not usually referred 
 to as “clergy.”).
 
  
 
 Best wishes,
 
  
 
 Rick
 
  
 
 Richard W. Garnett
 
 Professor of Law and Associate Dean
 
 Notre Dame Law School
 
 P.O. Box 780
 
 Notre Dame, Indiana 46556-0780
 
  
 
 574-631-6981 (w)
 
 574-276-2252 (cell)
 
  
 
 SSRN page
 
  
 
 Blogs:
 
  
 
 Prawfsblawg
 
 Mirror of Justice
 
 Law, Religion, and Ethics
 
  
 
 From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
 [mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Marci Hamilton
 Sent: Wednesday, January 11, 2012 2:26 PM
 To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
 Subject: Re: Supreme Court sides with church on decision to fire employee on 
 religious grounds
 
  
 
 Rick--I meant by clergy whatever the Court is saying is a minister 
 I did not intend ordained clergy.
 
 Do we still disagree?
 
  
 
 Marci
 
  
 
  
 
 On Jan 11, 2012, at 2:16 PM, Rick Garnett wrote:
 
 
 
 
 Dear Marci,
 
  
 
 I think you are right about the second sentence, but I disagree with your 
 second.  The opinion seems clearly to reach beyond “clergy.” 
 
  
 
 Best wishes,
 
  
 
 Rick
 
  
 
 Richard W. Garnett
 
 Professor of Law and Associate Dean
 
 Notre Dame Law School
 
 P.O. Box 780
 
 Notre Dame, Indiana 46556-0780
 
  
 
 574-631-6981 (w)
 
 574-276-2252 (cell)
 
  
 
 SSRN page
 
  
 
 Blogs:
 
  
 
 Prawfsblawg
 
 Mirror of Justice
 
 Law, Religion, and Ethics
 
  
 
 From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
 [mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Marci Hamilton
 Sent: Wednesday, January 11, 2012 12:34 PM
 To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
 Subject: Re: Supreme Court sides with church on decision to fire employee on 
 religious grounds
 
  
 
 The decision is much narrower than Joel's description.  It does not cover all 
 employees of religious organizations--only clergy.  And it only involves 
 claims involving discrimination against the religious organization,
 
 leaving open litigation from even clergy on contract and tort theories. 
 
  
 
 Marci
 
  
 
  
 
  
 
 On Jan 11, 2012, at 12:26 PM, Joel wrote:
 
 
 
 
 
  
 
 The Supreme Court has sided unanimously with a church sued for firing an 
 employee on religious grounds, issuing an opinion on Wednesday that religious 
 employers can keep the government out of hiring and firing decisions.
 
  
 
 In the case of Hosanna-Tabor v. EEOC, Cheryl Perich, a called teacher, 
 argued that the Hosanna-Tabor Evangelical Lutheran Church and School of 
 Redford, Mich., had discriminated against her under the Americans With 
 Disabilities Act by refusing to reinstate her to her job after she took leave 
 for narcolepsy.
 
  
 
  
 
 http://www.foxnews.com/politics/2012/01/11/supreme-court-sides-with-church-on-decision-to-fire-employee-on-religious/
 
  
 
  
 
 Joel L. Sogol
 
 Attorney at Law
 
 811 21st Ave.
 
 Tuscaloosa, Alabama  35401
 
 ph (205) 345-0966
 
 fx (205) 345-0971
 
 email:  jlsa...@wwisp.com
 
 website: www.joelsogol.com
 
 Ben Franklin observed that truth wins a fair fight - which is why we have 
 evidence rules in U.S. courts.
 
  
 
 ___
 To post, send message to Religionlaw@lists.ucla.edu
 To subscribe, unsubscribe, change options, or get password, see 
 

RE: Supreme Court sides with church on decision to fire employee on religious grounds

2012-01-12 Thread Rick Garnett
Dear Marci,

I guess not, but I think people usually think of clergy as ordained, or as 
otherwise officially designated.  I think the opinion constitutionalizes an 
exception that covers a broader category of ministers (including, of course, 
many lay teachers at parochial schools, who are not usually referred to as 
clergy.).

Best wishes,

Rick

Richard W. Garnett
Professor of Law and Associate Dean
Notre Dame Law School
P.O. Box 780
Notre Dame, Indiana 46556-0780

574-631-6981 (w)
574-276-2252 (cell)

SSRN pagehttp://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/cf_dev/AbsByAuth.cfm?per_id=342235

Blogs:

Prawfsblawghttp://prawfsblawg.blogs.com/
Mirror of Justicehttp://www.mirrorofjustice.blogs.com/
Law, Religion, and Ethicshttp://lawreligionethics.net/

From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Marci Hamilton
Sent: Wednesday, January 11, 2012 2:26 PM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: Re: Supreme Court sides with church on decision to fire employee on 
religious grounds

Rick--I meant by clergy whatever the Court is saying is a minister I 
did not intend ordained clergy.
Do we still disagree?

Marci


On Jan 11, 2012, at 2:16 PM, Rick Garnett wrote:


Dear Marci,

I think you are right about the second sentence, but I disagree with your 
second.  The opinion seems clearly to reach beyond clergy.

Best wishes,

Rick

Richard W. Garnett
Professor of Law and Associate Dean
Notre Dame Law School
P.O. Box 780
Notre Dame, Indiana 46556-0780

574-631-6981 (w)
574-276-2252 (cell)

SSRN pagehttp://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/cf_dev/AbsByAuth.cfm?per_id=342235

Blogs:

Prawfsblawghttp://prawfsblawg.blogs.com/
Mirror of Justicehttp://www.mirrorofjustice.blogs.com/
Law, Religion, and Ethicshttp://lawreligionethics.net/

From: 
religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edumailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Marci Hamilton
Sent: Wednesday, January 11, 2012 12:34 PM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: Re: Supreme Court sides with church on decision to fire employee on 
religious grounds

The decision is much narrower than Joel's description.  It does not cover all 
employees of religious organizations--only clergy.  And it only involves claims 
involving discrimination against the religious organization,
leaving open litigation from even clergy on contract and tort theories.

Marci



On Jan 11, 2012, at 12:26 PM, Joel wrote:




The Supreme Court has sided unanimously with a church sued for firing an 
employee on religious grounds, issuing an opinion on Wednesday that religious 
employers can keep the government out of hiring and firing decisions.

In the case of Hosanna-Tabor v. EEOC, Cheryl Perich, a called teacher, argued 
that the Hosanna-Tabor Evangelical Lutheran Church and School of Redford, 
Mich., had discriminated against her under the Americans With Disabilities Act 
by refusing to reinstate her to her job after she took leave for narcolepsy.


http://www.foxnews.com/politics/2012/01/11/supreme-court-sides-with-church-on-decision-to-fire-employee-on-religious/


Joel L. Sogol
Attorney at Law
811 21st Ave.
Tuscaloosa, Alabama  35401
ph (205) 345-0966
fx (205) 345-0971
email:  jlsa...@wwisp.commailto:jlsa...@wwisp.com
website: www.joelsogol.comhttp://www.joelsogol.com
Ben Franklin observed that truth wins a fair fight - which is why we have 
evidence rules in U.S. courts.

___
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Religionlaw@lists.ucla.edumailto:Religionlaw@lists.ucla.edu
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RE: Hosanna-Tabor

2012-01-12 Thread Samuel Krieger
Professor Friedman’s thoughtful post shows that the decision  raises a line
of questions regarding the IRS position on eligibility for the Parsonage
exemption (see excerpt from IRS Audit Guide below) and local real property
tax exemptions for clergy occupied properties . 

 

Can I be a “minister” for limiting my litigation rights upon termination but
not be entitled to parsonage.

 

Does the IRS have the right to determine if an applicant was
“commissioned…..and was  a duly qualified member”?  Why differentiate
between teaching at theological seminaries and religious studies in grade
schools ? 

 

 



Who Qualifies For Special Tax Treatment As A Minister

To qualify for the special tax provisions available to ministers, an
individual must be a “minister” and must perform services “in the exercise
of his ministry.” Treas. Reg. § 1.107-1(a) incorporates the rules of Treas.
Reg. § 1.1402(c)-5 in determining whether the individual is performing the
duties of a “minister of the gospel.”

Treas. Reg. § 1.1402(c)-5 requires that an individual be a “duly ordained,
commissioned, or licensed minister of a church.” The Tax Court has
interpreted this phrase to be disjunctive, finding the purpose is not to
limit benefits to the ordained, but is to prevent self appointed ministers
from benefiting. Salkov v. Commissioner, 46 T.C. 190, 197 (1966). The Tax
Court in Salkov held that a Jewish cantor was a minister eligible for the
IRC § 107 housing allowance. Id. at 198-99. It concluded that the petitioner
qualified because he was commissioned by, and was a duly qualified member of
the Cantors Assembly of America, which functions as the official cantorial
body for the Conservative branch of the Jewish religion in America, and
because he was selected by a representative Conservative congregation to
perform the functions of cantor. Id. at 197.

Treas. Reg. § 1.1402(c)-5(b)(2) provides that service performed by a
minister in the exercise of the ministry includes:

a. Ministration of sacerdotal functions; 

b. Conduct of religious worship; 

c. Control, conduct, and maintenance of religious organizations
(including the religious boards, societies, and other integral agencies of
such organizations), under the authority of a religious body constituting a
church or denomination. 

Treas. Reg. § 1.1402(c)-5(b)(2) also provides that whether service performed
by a minister constitutes conduct of religious worship or ministration of
sacerdotal functions depends on the tenets and practices of the particular
religious body constituting the church or denomination.

Treas. Reg. § 1.107-1(a) also provides examples of specific services
considered duties of a minister, including:

a. Performance of sacerdotal functions; 

b. Conduct of religious worship; 

c. Administration and maintenance of religious organizations and their
integral agencies; 

d. Performance of teaching and administrative duties at theological
seminaries. 

The duties performed by the individual are also important to the initial
determination whether he or she is a duly ordained, commissioned, or
licensed minister. Because religious disciplines vary in their formal
procedures for these designations, whether an individual is “duly ordained,
commissioned, or licensed” depends on these facts and circumstances

 

SAMUEL M. KRIEGER
Krieger  Prager LLP
skrie...@kplawfirm.com

Tel: (212) 363-2900

 

From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Friedman, Howard M.
Sent: Wednesday, January 11, 2012 7:49 PM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: RE: Hosanna-Tabor

 

I think that the decision has much broader implications for church autonomy.
I have just developed this argument in some detail in a posting on Religion
Clause, for those who may be interested in reading it.
http://religionclause.blogspot.com/2012/01/analysis-some-thoughts-on-church.
html  I welcome any reactions.

Howard Friedman


-Original Message-
From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu on behalf of John Taylor
Sent: Wed 1/11/2012 3:26 PM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: RE: Hosanna-Tabor

There was a very good panel on the case at AALS Saturday morning (organized
by Chris Lund and featuring Doug, Rick, Bob Tuttle, Caroline Corbin, and
Leslie Griffin) and it included, among other things, an exchange between
Rick Garnett and Bob Tuttle on the rationale for the ministerial exception.
While both acknowledged that they were overstating their differences, the
contrast (as I understood it) was one between viewing the ministerial
exception as completely (or almost completely) about the judicial disability
to decide religious questions (a.k.a. the hands-off principle, the no
religious decisions principle per Eugene) and viewing it as protecting
certain kinds of decisions made by religious groups whether religious
questions have to be decided or not.  (Maybe I've got 

Re: Hosanna-Tabor

2012-01-12 Thread David Cruz
It seems to me that part of the problem with the framing of the
distinction between Smith and Hosanna-Tabor is that physical acts vs.
internal governance does not well describe in parallel the concerns of
the state in both cases.  Internal governance is what Hosanna Tabor
protects for religious institutions.  But if we consider physical acts
(as inapt as that characterization is), that is really about the nature of
that which concerns the state. It goes to the harm the state is trying to
redress.  So, here, the counterpart to physical acts (peyote ingestion in
Smith) should be disability discrimination in employment.  Of course, the
nature of that employment was religious, which is why First Amendment
rights trump the state's concerns here.  But the dignitary and economic
harms Cheryl Perich alleged are not obviated by the fact that her
employment was as a religious leader.

David B. Cruz
Professor of Law
University of Southern California Gould School of Law
Los Angeles, CA 90089-0071
U.S.A.

On 1/11/12 8:42 AM, Douglas Laycock dlayc...@virginia.edu wrote:

Is anyone convinced by the Court's distinction of Smith? Well actually,
all
nine Justices were convinced, all twelve federal circuits have been
convinced, and twelve state supreme courts have been convinced, with none
going the other way.  Physical acts is not the best label for the scope
of
Smith, but the basic distinction between internal church governance and
other matters goes all the way back to Locke. It is embedded in a line of
Supreme Court cases that long pre-date Sherbert and Yoder and that
peacefully co-existed with Reynolds v. United States (a case refusing
religious exemptions).

Douglas Laycock
Robert E. Scott Distinguished Professor of Law
University of Virginia Law School
580 Massie Road
Charlottesville, VA  22903
 434-243-8546


-Original Message-
From: conlawprof-boun...@lists.ucla.edu
[mailto:conlawprof-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Eric J Segall
Sent: Wednesday, January 11, 2012 10:40 AM
To: Con Law Prof list
Subject: RE: Hosanna-Tabor II

This is the sum total, after a quick read, of what the Court said about
Smith:

But a church's selection of its ministers is unlike an individual's
ingestion of peyote. Smith involved government regulation of only outward
physical acts.  The present case, in contrast, concerns government
interference with an internal church decision that affects the faith and
mission of the church itself.  See id., at 877 (distinguishing the
government's regulation ofphysical acts from its lend[ing] its power to
one or the other side in controversies over religious authority or
dogma).
The contention that Smith forecloses recognition of a ministerial
exception
rooted in the Religion Clauses has no merit.

Physical acts, v. an internal church decision.

Is anyone convinced by this?



From: Eric J Segall
Sent: Wednesday, January 11, 2012 10:34 AM
To: Con Law Prof list
Subject: Hosanna-Tabor

So Title VII, a generally applicable law that was not passed to hurt or
affect religion (and in fact protects religion), does not apply to
religious
groups.  I am not an expert in the Free Exercise Area, but how can Scalia
join this opinion? Am I  missing something?

Thanks,

Eric

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RE: Hosanna-Tabor

2012-01-12 Thread Rick Garnett
Dear Mark,

In my view, one of the welcome aspects of the Chief Justice's opinion is that 
it seems to make the *reason* for the employment action in question irrelevant 
. . . assuming we are dealing with a ministerial employee who is challenging 
his or her termination:


The EEOC and Perich suggest that Hosanna-Tabor’s asserted religious reason for 
firing Perich—that she violated the Synod’s commitment to internal dispute 
resolution—was pretextual. That suggestion misses the point of the ministerial 
exception. The purpose of the exception is not to safeguard a church’s decision 
to fire a minister only when it is made for a religious reason. The 
exceptioninstead ensures that the authority to select and controlwho will 
minister to the faithful—a matter strictly ecclesiastical, Kedroff, 344 U. 
S., at 119—is the church’s alone.4

Best,

Rick

Richard W. Garnett
Professor of Law  Associate Dean
Notre Dame Law School
P.O. Box 780
Notre Dame, IN  46556-0780

574-631-6981 (office)
574-631-4197 (fax)


From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu [religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] 
On Behalf Of Scarberry, Mark [mark.scarbe...@pepperdine.edu]
Sent: Wednesday, January 11, 2012 11:19 PM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: RE: Hosanna-Tabor

What if the church board fires a minister and admits, prior to the filing of an 
action, that it was not for religious reasons but because he was disabled or 
because of his race or for some other reason that ordinarily would be 
impermissible. If the church states that there is no religious reason for the 
firing – if it says that the discrimination is not based on any religious tenet 
– does the Court’s holding protect the church? Perhaps the point is that a 
court simply can’t take cognizance of a religious organization’s reason for 
firing a minister, or involve itself in such a  case, even if there is no 
dispute about the reason being nonreligious. But I’m not sure.

Mark S. Scarberry
Professor of Law
Pepperdine Univ. School of Law



From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of David Cruz
Sent: Wednesday, January 11, 2012 5:58 PM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Cc: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: Re: Hosanna-Tabor

It seems to me an easy distinction between the case of the undocumented 
minister posited by Howard and today's case is that if the government deports 
someone for being unlawfully present, that is in no way predicated upon a 
decision by a church to select that person as a minister; the church's decision 
is simply irrelevant to the government's legal claim for deportation.  Wrongful 
termination suits, grounded in tort law or antidiscrimination law, however, do 
depend upon a church's reasons for firing someone, which is what I take the 
Court's opinion to be getting at.  Similar reasoning would apply to questions 
of ministers' arrestability.  The emphasis, it seems to me, should be less on 
civil interference with employment clergy and more on civil interference with 
selection (or de-selection) of clergy.
David B. Cruz
Professor of Law
University of Southern California Gould School of Law
Los Angeles, CA 90089-0071
U.S.A.

On Jan 11, 2012, at 4:54 PM, Friedman, Howard M. 
howard.fried...@utoledo.edumailto:howard.fried...@utoledo.edu wrote:

I think that the decision has much broader implications for church autonomy. I 
have just developed this argument in some detail in a posting on Religion 
Clause, for those who may be interested in reading it. 
http://religionclause.blogspot.com/2012/01/analysis-some-thoughts-on-church.html
  I welcome any reactions.

Howard Friedman


-Original Message-
From: 
religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edumailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
on behalf of John Taylor
Sent: Wed 1/11/2012 3:26 PM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: RE: Hosanna-Tabor

There was a very good panel on the case at AALS Saturday morning (organized by 
Chris Lund and featuring Doug, Rick, Bob Tuttle, Caroline Corbin, and Leslie 
Griffin) and it included, among other things, an exchange between Rick Garnett 
and Bob Tuttle on the rationale for the ministerial exception.  While both 
acknowledged that they were overstating their differences, the contrast (as I 
understood it) was one between viewing the ministerial exception as completely 
(or almost completely) about the judicial disability to decide religious 
questions (a.k.a. the hands-off principle, the no religious decisions 
principle per Eugene) and viewing it as protecting certain kinds of decisions 
made by religious groups whether religious questions have to be decided or not. 
 (Maybe I've got that all wrong, and if so my apologies to Rick and Bob.)

While I agree that autonomy is a loaded word that the majority did not use 
and I agree that this case doesn't and isn't meant to reach beyond employment 
discrimination claims by 

RE: Hosanna-Tabor

2012-01-12 Thread Paul Horwitz

No, the framing in terms of physical acts is not terribly descriptively 
useful here.  But to adapt your language, one way we might see this decision, 
and certainly the issues it raises, is that it raises the very question of what 
concerns the state and what concerns the church, rather than simply 
assuming that anything that concerns the state in some way should be 
characterized as necessarily falling within its jurisdiction, or simply 
assuming that what concerns the church is wholly residual or a matter of the 
state's grace.  In that sense, this *relationship* concerned the church and 
fell outside the state's purview, even if it involved what one might describe 
as dignitary and economic harms.  
 
In any event, I'm far from satisfied that it's clear that the potential 
dignitary and economic harms here weren't obviated by the fact that her 
employment was as a religious leader.  At least in some cases, it seems quite 
relevant to me.
 
Regards,
 
Paul Horwitz
University of Alabama School of Law  
 

 From: dc...@law.usc.edu
 To: religionlaw@lists.ucla.edu; conlawp...@lists.ucla.edu
 Date: Wed, 11 Jan 2012 08:56:31 -0800
 Subject: Re: Hosanna-Tabor
 
 It seems to me that part of the problem with the framing of the
 distinction between Smith and Hosanna-Tabor is that physical acts vs.
 internal governance does not well describe in parallel the concerns of
 the state in both cases. Internal governance is what Hosanna Tabor
 protects for religious institutions. But if we consider physical acts
 (as inapt as that characterization is), that is really about the nature of
 that which concerns the state. It goes to the harm the state is trying to
 redress. So, here, the counterpart to physical acts (peyote ingestion in
 Smith) should be disability discrimination in employment. Of course, the
 nature of that employment was religious, which is why First Amendment
 rights trump the state's concerns here. But the dignitary and economic
 harms Cheryl Perich alleged are not obviated by the fact that her
 employment was as a religious leader.
 
 David B. Cruz
 Professor of Law
 University of Southern California Gould School of Law
 Los Angeles, CA 90089-0071
 U.S.A.
 
 On 1/11/12 8:42 AM, Douglas Laycock dlayc...@virginia.edu wrote:
 
 Is anyone convinced by the Court's distinction of Smith? Well actually,
 all
 nine Justices were convinced, all twelve federal circuits have been
 convinced, and twelve state supreme courts have been convinced, with none
 going the other way. Physical acts is not the best label for the scope
 of
 Smith, but the basic distinction between internal church governance and
 other matters goes all the way back to Locke. It is embedded in a line of
 Supreme Court cases that long pre-date Sherbert and Yoder and that
 peacefully co-existed with Reynolds v. United States (a case refusing
 religious exemptions).
 
 Douglas Laycock
 Robert E. Scott Distinguished Professor of Law
 University of Virginia Law School
 580 Massie Road
 Charlottesville, VA 22903
  434-243-8546
 
 
 -Original Message-
 From: conlawprof-boun...@lists.ucla.edu
 [mailto:conlawprof-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Eric J Segall
 Sent: Wednesday, January 11, 2012 10:40 AM
 To: Con Law Prof list
 Subject: RE: Hosanna-Tabor II
 
 This is the sum total, after a quick read, of what the Court said about
 Smith:
 
 But a church's selection of its ministers is unlike an individual's
 ingestion of peyote. Smith involved government regulation of only outward
 physical acts. The present case, in contrast, concerns government
 interference with an internal church decision that affects the faith and
 mission of the church itself. See id., at 877 (distinguishing the
 government's regulation ofphysical acts from its lend[ing] its power to
 one or the other side in controversies over religious authority or
 dogma).
 The contention that Smith forecloses recognition of a ministerial
 exception
 rooted in the Religion Clauses has no merit.
 
 Physical acts, v. an internal church decision.
 
 Is anyone convinced by this?
 
 
 
 From: Eric J Segall
 Sent: Wednesday, January 11, 2012 10:34 AM
 To: Con Law Prof list
 Subject: Hosanna-Tabor
 
 So Title VII, a generally applicable law that was not passed to hurt or
 affect religion (and in fact protects religion), does not apply to
 religious
 groups. I am not an expert in the Free Exercise Area, but how can Scalia
 join this opinion? Am I missing something?
 
 Thanks,
 
 Eric
 
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RE: Hosanna-Tabor

2012-01-12 Thread Scarberry, Mark
It is interesting to note that Justice Thomas would defer to a religious 
organization's good faith determination that a person is a minister. Take the 
question whether a person has had formal religious education. That is a factor 
under the Court's decision, but not determinative. There certainly are churches 
that do not require a minister to have formal religious education (though 
typically the senior minister will have such education). That is true of my 
church (the Church of Christ, not to be confused with the United Church of 
Christ), and I think it may be true of some black churches. It may be 
especially true of churches that are made up of, or historically were made up 
of, largely those who could not afford formal religious education, and of 
others who think that God may call anyone to the role of minister. 

John Leland, for example , the very influential Baptist minister at the time of 
the Founding, did not have formal religious training. Initially he was not even 
ordained by a congregation or by other Baptist ministers. The concurrence by 
Justice Alito (joined by Justice Kagan) points out that ordination is not a 
reliable indicator of whether someone is a minister within the meaning of the 
ministerial exception.

By the way, I will be moderating a panel on the ministerial exception at 
Pepperdine's Feb. 23-25 conference entitled The Competing Claims of Law  
Religion: Who Should Influence Whom? (The scheduled panelists are Ian Bartrum, 
Caroline Mala Corbin, Paul Horwitz, Michael P. Moreland, and Nora O'Callaghan. 
Many others of you will be speaking there, but for those of you who don't know 
about it, the information is here: 
http://law.pepperdine.edu/nootbaar/news-events/events/law-and-religion/.  The 
conference is sponsored by Pepperdine Law School's Herbert and Elinor Nootbaar 
Institute on Law, Religion and Ethics.

Mark

Mark S. Scarberry
Professor of Law
Pepperdine Univ. School of Law

 
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Hosanna-Tabor: note that unanimous Court characterized EEOC position as extreme

2012-01-12 Thread Scarberry, Mark
Has it happened before that the Court has unanimously given such a negative 
description of the view put forward by the solicitor general for the Justice 
Department on behalf of the EEOC? I suppose so, but I can't remember such a 
case.

Although the Sixth Circuit did not adopt the extreme position pressed here by 
the EEOC ...


Mark S. Scarberry
Professor of Law
Pepperdine Univ. School of Law
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Re: Hosanna-Tabor

2012-01-12 Thread Marci Hamilton
I agree with David, though I would characterize the Court's paradigmatic 
concern as being about the right to choose selection criteria.  Catholics and 
Orthodox Jews plainly have the right to favor men over women and Hosanna Tabor 
Lutherans have the right to choose mediators instead of litigators.   I am not 
persuaded by Howard's characterization of some kind of institutional autonomy.  
 The unanimous decision is too carefully parsed for that to be a touchstone for 
future interpretation. The way the decision is  constructed and explained, 
there are many open questions and every case will be fact specific. 
Except we know for sure that there is no jurisdictional bar so cases will have 
to be scrutinized by the courts  and subject to judicial interpretation.   Marci

On Jan 11, 2012, at 8:58 PM, David Cruz dc...@law.usc.edu wrote:

 It seems to me an easy distinction between the case of the undocumented 
 minister posited by Howard and today's case is that if the government deports 
 someone for being unlawfully present, that is in no way predicated upon a 
 decision by a church to select that person as a minister; the church's 
 decision is simply irrelevant to the government's legal claim for 
 deportation.  Wrongful termination suits, grounded in tort law or 
 antidiscrimination law, however, do depend upon a church's reasons for firing 
 someone, which is what I take the Court's opinion to be getting at.  Similar 
 reasoning would apply to questions of ministers' arrestability.  The 
 emphasis, it seems to me, should be less on civil interference with 
 employment clergy and more on civil interference with selection (or 
 de-selection) of clergy.
 
 David B. Cruz
 Professor of Law
 University of Southern California Gould School of Law
 Los Angeles, CA 90089-0071
 U.S.A.
 
 On Jan 11, 2012, at 4:54 PM, Friedman, Howard M. 
 howard.fried...@utoledo.edu wrote:
 
 I think that the decision has much broader implications for church autonomy. 
 I have just developed this argument in some detail in a posting on Religion 
 Clause, for those who may be interested in reading it. 
 http://religionclause.blogspot.com/2012/01/analysis-some-thoughts-on-church.html
   I welcome any reactions.
 
 Howard Friedman
 
 
 -Original Message-
 From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu on behalf of John Taylor
 Sent: Wed 1/11/2012 3:26 PM
 To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
 Subject: RE: Hosanna-Tabor
 
 There was a very good panel on the case at AALS Saturday morning (organized 
 by Chris Lund and featuring Doug, Rick, Bob Tuttle, Caroline Corbin, and 
 Leslie Griffin) and it included, among other things, an exchange between 
 Rick Garnett and Bob Tuttle on the rationale for the ministerial exception.  
 While both acknowledged that they were overstating their differences, the 
 contrast (as I understood it) was one between viewing the ministerial 
 exception as completely (or almost completely) about the judicial disability 
 to decide religious questions (a.k.a. the hands-off principle, the no 
 religious decisions principle per Eugene) and viewing it as protecting 
 certain kinds of decisions made by religious groups whether religious 
 questions have to be decided or not.  (Maybe I've got that all wrong, and if 
 so my apologies to Rick and Bob.)  
 
 While I agree that autonomy is a loaded word that the majority did not use 
 and I agree that this case doesn't and isn't meant to reach beyond 
 employment discrimination claims by ministers, the second view does seem 
 to me potentially a bit broader than the first.  For example, Caroline 
 Corbin and Leslie Griffin suggested at the panel that since this was a 
 retaliation case, all the court really had to decide was whether there had 
 been retaliation and this was not a religious question.  (Their argument, I 
 think, was that the church's response -- it was retaliation based on 
 religious principle -- is irrelevant unless there's a religious exemption 
 from the retaliation provisions in the ABA.  Since Smith forecloses the 
 latter argument, they suggested, you could decide the case without getting 
 beyond the fact of retaliation, which was essentially admitted by the 
 church.)  That argument may have some force if one thinks that the 
 ministerial exception is entirely about disability to decide religious 
 questions, but it has little force if one simply says, Look, the idea that 
 religious groups get to decide who will play important spiritual roles 
 without state interference is very old, and state interference in the 
 selection of clergy is at the core of what the Establishment Clause meant to 
 forbid.  If she's a minister, the state can't second-guess that decision in 
 an employment discrimination suit.  Period.
 
 At least to me, the majority opinion reads like the quote at the end of the 
 last paragraph.  It doesn't seem to hold out any possibility that some 
 employment discrimination cases might be within the judiciary's 

HOSANNA-TABOR EVANGELICAL LUTHERAN

2012-01-12 Thread Joel
HOSANNA-TABOR EVANGELICAL LUTHERAN CHURCH ( ) 

597 F. 3d 769, reversed. 

Syllabus

 

 

Opinion

[Roberts]

 

Concurrence

[Thomas]

 

Concurrence

[Alito]

 

 



Syllabus

NOTE: Where it is feasible, a syllabus (headnote) will be released, as is being 
done in connection with this case, at the time the opinion is issued. The 
syllabus constitutes no part of the opinion of the Court but has been prepared 
by the Reporter of Decisions for the convenience of the reader. See United 
States v. Detroit Timber  Lumber Co., 200 U. S. 321 . 

SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES 

Syllabus 

HOSANNA-TABOR EVANGELICAL LUTHERAN CHURCH AND SCHOOL v. EQUAL EMPLOYMENT 
OPPORTUNITY COMMISSION et al. 

certiorari to the united states court of appeals for the sixth circuit 

No. 10–553. Argued October 5, 2011—Decided January 11, 2012 

Petitioner Hosanna-Tabor Evangelical Lutheran Church and School is a member 
congregation of the Lutheran Church–Missouri Synod. The Synod classifies its 
school teachers into two categories: “called” and “lay.” “Called” teachers are 
regarded as having been called to their vocation by God. To be eligible to be 
considered “called,” a teacher must complete certain academic requirements, 
including a course of theological study. Once called, a teacher receives the 
formal title “Minister of Religion, Commissioned.” “Lay” teachers, by contrast, 
are not required to be trained by the Synod or even to be Lutheran. Although 
lay and called teachers at Hosanna-Tabor generally performed the same duties, 
lay teachers were hired only when called teachers were unavailable. 

  After respondent Cheryl Perich completed the required training, 
Hosanna-Tabor asked her to become a called teacher. Perich accepted the call 
and was designated a commissioned minister. In addition to teaching secular 
subjects, Perich taught a religion class, led her students in daily prayer and 
devotional exercises, and took her students to a weekly school-wide chapel 
service. Perich led the chapel service herself about twice a year. 

  Perich developed narcolepsy and began the 2004–2005 school year on 
disability leave. In January 2005, she notified the school principal that she 
would be able to report to work in February. The principal responded that the 
school had already contracted with a lay teacher to fill Perich’s position for 
the remainder of the school year. The principal also expressed concern that 
Perich was not yet ready to return to the classroom. The congregation 
subsequently offered to pay a portion of Perich’s health insurance premiums in 
exchange for her resignation as a called teacher. Perich refused to resign. In 
February, Perich presented herself at the school and refused to leave until she 
received written documentation that she had reported to work. The principal 
later called Perich and told her that she would likely be fired. Perich 
responded that she had spoken with an attorney and intended to assert her legal 
rights. In a subsequent letter, the chairman of the school board advised Perich 
that the congregation would consider whether to rescind her call at its next 
meeting. As grounds for termination, the letter cited Perich’s “insubordination 
and disruptive behavior,” as well as the damage she had done to her “working 
relationship” with the school by “threatening to take legal action.” The 
congregation voted to rescind Perich’s call, and Hosanna-Tabor sent her a 
letter of termination. 

  Perich filed a charge with the Equal Employment Opportunity 
Commission, claiming that her employment had been terminated in violation of 
the Americans with Disabilities Act. The EEOC brought suit against 
Hosanna-Tabor, alleging that Perich had been fired in retaliation for 
threatening to file an ADA lawsuit. Perich intervened in the litigation. 
Invoking what is known as the “ministerial exception,” Hosanna-Tabor argued 
that the suit was barred by the First Amendment because the claims concerned 
the employment relationship between a religious institution and one of its 
ministers. The District Court agreed and granted summary judgment in 
Hosanna-Tabor’s favor. The Sixth Circuit vacated and remanded. It recognized 
the existence of a ministerial exception rooted in the First Amendment , but 
concluded that Perich did not qualify as a “minister” under the exception. 

Held: 

 1. The Establishment and Free Exercise Clauses of the First Amendment bar 
suits brought on behalf of ministers against their churches, claiming 
termination in violation of employment discrimination laws. Pp. 6–15. 

  (a) The First Amendment provides, in part, that “Congress shall make 
no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free 
exercise thereof.” Familiar with life under the established Church of England, 
the founding generation sought to foreclose the possibility of a national 
church. By 

Hosanna Tabor Decided By Supreme Court

2012-01-12 Thread Friedman, Howard M.

http://religionclause.blogspot.com/2012/01/supreme-court-upholds-ministerial.html

Howard Friedman
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Re: Supreme Court sides with church on decision to fire employee on religious...

2012-01-12 Thread Hamilton02
Rick-- I hear you.  The Court indicates that what is a minister will  be 
fact intensive in each case.
There are lay teachers in a wide variety of contexts and a wide variety of  
religious settings.  It will
be interesting to learn whether the courts treat, e.g., a coach who only  
coaches at a school (and does not teach during the day) as a lay teacher 
for  these purposes.
 
Marci
 
 

Marci A.  Hamilton
36 Timber Knoll Drive
Washington Crossing, PA  18977
215-353-8984

Paul R. Verkuil Chair in Public Law
Benjamin N.  Cardozo School of Law
Yeshiva University
55 Fifth Avenue
New York, NY  10003

@Marci_Hamilton 
_www.facebook.com/professormarciahamilton_ 
(http://www.facebook.com/professormarciahamilton) 



In a message dated 1/12/2012 12:16:30 P.M. Eastern Standard Time,  
rgarn...@nd.edu writes:

Dear  Marci, 
I  guess not, but I think people usually think of “clergy” as ordained, or 
as  otherwise officially designated.  I think the opinion 
constitutionalizes  an exception that covers a broader category of “ministers” 
(including, 
of  course, many lay teachers at parochial schools, who are not usually 
referred  to as “clergy.”). 
Best  wishes, 
Rick 
 
Richard  W. Garnett 
Professor  of Law and Associate Dean 
Notre  Dame Law School 
P.O.  Box 780 
Notre  Dame, Indiana 46556-0780 
574-631-6981  (w) 
574-276-2252  (cell) 
_SSRN page_ 
(http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/cf_dev/AbsByAuth.cfm?per_id=342235)  
Blogs: 
_Prawfsblawg_ (http://prawfsblawg.blogs.com/)  
_Mirror  of Justice_ (http://www.mirrorofjustice.blogs.com/)  
_Law, Religion, and  Ethics_ (http://lawreligionethics.net/) 
 
 
From:  religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu]  On Behalf Of Marci Hamilton
Sent: Wednesday, January 11, 2012  2:26 PM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law  Academics
Subject: Re: Supreme Court sides with church on decision  to fire employee 
on religious grounds

Rick--I meant by clergy whatever the Court is  saying is a minister   
  I did not intend ordained  clergy. 
 
Do we still disagree?
 

 
Marci


inline: marci%20hamilton%20signature%20cropped.jpg___
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RE: Supreme Court sides with church on decision to fire employee on religious grounds

2012-01-12 Thread Alan Brownstein
Rick,

As to lay teachers at religious schools, the Court said, We express no view on 
whether someone with Perich's duties would be covered by the ministerial 
exception in the absence of the other considerations we have discussed.  I 
thought that left open the issue of lay teachers at religious schools. Have I 
missed something here?

Alan

From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Rick Garnett
Sent: Wednesday, January 11, 2012 11:34 AM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: RE: Supreme Court sides with church on decision to fire employee on 
religious grounds

Dear Marci,

I guess not, but I think people usually think of clergy as ordained, or as 
otherwise officially designated.  I think the opinion constitutionalizes an 
exception that covers a broader category of ministers (including, of course, 
many lay teachers at parochial schools, who are not usually referred to as 
clergy.).

Best wishes,

Rick

Richard W. Garnett
Professor of Law and Associate Dean
Notre Dame Law School
P.O. Box 780
Notre Dame, Indiana 46556-0780

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Re: Supreme Court sides with church on decision to fire employee on religious grounds

2012-01-12 Thread Steven Green
The most interesting part of the decision is of course what the Court did
not decide: who decides who is a minister in less obvious situations.  I
don't take Thomas' solo concurrence advocating near complete deference to
church officials as indicating he is the only justice who may vote that
way; rather, simply that reaching that issue was unnecessary to get a
unanimous opinion.  In that Alito and Kagan are in opposite camps and
they jointly offer a functional approach may say something about those in
the middle, but I find their criteria too narrow to be a comprehensive
statement.  I think others may lean toward Thomas.

Steve

-- 
Steven K. Green, J.D., Ph.D.
Fred H. Paulus Professor of Law and Director
Center for Religion, Law and Democracy
Willamette University
900 State St., S.E.
Salem, Oregon 97301
503-370-6732


On Wed, Jan 11, 2012 at 11:33 AM, Rick Garnett rgarn...@nd.edu wrote:

 Dear Marci,

 ** **

 I guess not, but I think people usually think of “clergy” as ordained, or
 as otherwise officially designated.  I think the opinion constitutionalizes
 an exception that covers a broader category of “ministers” (including, of
 course, many lay teachers at parochial schools, who are not usually
 referred to as “clergy.”).

 ** **

 Best wishes,

 ** **

 Rick

 ** **

 Richard W. Garnett

 Professor of Law and Associate Dean

 Notre Dame Law School

 P.O. Box 780

 Notre Dame, Indiana 46556-0780

 ** **

 574-631-6981 (w)

 574-276-2252 (cell)

 ** **

 SSRN page http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/cf_dev/AbsByAuth.cfm?per_id=342235
 

 ** **

 Blogs:

 ** **

 Prawfsblawg http://prawfsblawg.blogs.com/

 Mirror of Justice http://www.mirrorofjustice.blogs.com/

 Law, Religion, and Ethics http://lawreligionethics.net/

 ** **

 *From:* religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu [mailto:
 religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] *On Behalf Of *Marci Hamilton
 *Sent:* Wednesday, January 11, 2012 2:26 PM
 *To:* Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
 *Subject:* Re: Supreme Court sides with church on decision to fire
 employee on religious grounds

 ** **

 Rick--I meant by clergy whatever the Court is saying is a minister
   I did not intend ordained clergy.

 Do we still disagree?

 ** **

 Marci

 ** **

 ** **

 On Jan 11, 2012, at 2:16 PM, Rick Garnett wrote:



 

 Dear Marci,

  

 I think you are right about the second sentence, but I disagree with your
 second.  The opinion seems clearly to reach beyond “clergy.” 

  

 Best wishes,

  

 Rick

  

 Richard W. Garnett

 Professor of Law and Associate Dean

 Notre Dame Law School

 P.O. Box 780

 Notre Dame, Indiana 46556-0780

  

 574-631-6981 (w)

 574-276-2252 (cell)

  

 SSRN page http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/cf_dev/AbsByAuth.cfm?per_id=342235
 

  

 Blogs:

  

 Prawfsblawg http://prawfsblawg.blogs.com/

 Mirror of Justice http://www.mirrorofjustice.blogs.com/

 Law, Religion, and Ethics http://lawreligionethics.net/

  

 *From:* religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu [mailto:
 religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] *On Behalf Of *Marci Hamilton
 *Sent:* Wednesday, January 11, 2012 12:34 PM
 *To:* Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
 *Subject:* Re: Supreme Court sides with church on decision to fire
 employee on religious grounds

  

 The decision is much narrower than Joel's description.  It does not cover
 all employees of religious organizations--only clergy.  And it only
 involves claims involving discrimination against the religious organization,
 

 leaving open litigation from even clergy on contract and tort theories.  *
 ***

  

 Marci

  

  

  

 On Jan 11, 2012, at 12:26 PM, Joel wrote:




 

  

 The Supreme Court has sided unanimously with a church sued for firing an
 employee on religious grounds, issuing an opinion on Wednesday that
 religious employers can keep the government out of hiring and firing
 decisions.

  

 In the case of Hosanna-Tabor v. EEOC, Cheryl Perich, a called teacher,
 argued that the Hosanna-Tabor Evangelical Lutheran Church and School of
 Redford, Mich., had discriminated against her under the Americans With
 Disabilities Act by refusing to reinstate her to her job after she took
 leave for narcolepsy.

  

  


 http://www.foxnews.com/politics/2012/01/11/supreme-court-sides-with-church-on-decision-to-fire-employee-on-religious/
 

  

  

 Joel L. Sogol

 Attorney at Law

 811 21st Ave.

 Tuscaloosa, Alabama  35401

 ph (205) 345-0966

 fx (205) 345-0971

 email:  jlsa...@wwisp.com

 website: www.joelsogol.com

 Ben Franklin observed that truth wins a fair fight - which is why we have
 evidence rules in U.S. courts.

  

 ___
 To post, send message to 

RE: Supreme Court sides with church on decision to fire employee on religious grounds

2012-01-12 Thread Alan Brownstein
Tom,

I have long since given up trying to predict how Supreme Court justices will 
decide future cases (or to assume that there will be logical consistency or 
even intellectual integrity in all opinions.) But Justice Roberts clearly and 
repeatedly emphasizes the title, status, and acknowledged role of minister or 
clergy as significant factors in reaching his decision in this case. Why are 
you so confident that all of this language in the opinion is superflous? I 
agree that Alito and Kagan's concurrence provides more support for including 
some lay teachers in the exception. But even they say What matters is that 
respondent played an important role as an instrument of her church’s religious 
message and as a leader of its worship activities.  The words important role 
and a leader arguably mean something different than some role and a 
participant.

Finally, of course, there is the question of how the understanding of who 
qualifies for the ministerial exception relates to the question of what 
positions the government can fund in religious institutions. Can the government 
fund the salary of teachers who play an important role as an instrument of 
their church's religious message and as a leader in its worship activities? If 
the answer to that question is Yes and it is also true that such teachers are 
enough like clergy in their religious functions to be included in the 
ministerial exception, would it follow that government can also fund the salary 
of clergy? Is it constitutionally permissible for the government to refuse to 
fund teaching positions at a religious school which refuses to hire 
African-Americans, women, and the disabled as teachers?

Alan




From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu [religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] 
on behalf of Berg, Thomas C. [tcb...@stthomas.edu]
Sent: Wednesday, January 11, 2012 7:47 PM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: RE: Supreme Court sides with church on decision to fire employee on
religious grounds

Alan,

I agree that the majority leaves open the issue of lay teachers.  But since 
three justices take a broader approach to defining a minister, all you need for 
a majority in a later case is two more votes, and Roberts and Scalia seem 
reasonable prospects to me in a case that presents the issue.  Thomas would 
defer heavily to the religious organization's characterization of an employee 
as a minister.  And Alito and Kagan say that ordained or commissioned status 
isn't crucial, that the criterion is “positions of substantial religious 
importance”—including those “teaching and conveying the tenets of the faith to 
the next generation”--and that the constitutional protection of religious 
teachers is not somehow diminished when they take on secular functions in 
addition to their religious ones.  What matters is that respondent played an 
important role as an instrument of her church’s religious message and as a 
leader of its worship activities.  I can see many lay teachers in seriously 
religious schools satisfying such a test.  Kagan’s agreement with that standard 
is quite significant, as is her joining the Alito concurrence overall.

Tom

-
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RE: Hosanna-Tabor

2012-01-12 Thread Scarberry, Mark
What if the church board fires a minister and admits, prior to the filing of an 
action, that it was not for religious reasons but because he was disabled or 
because of his race or for some other reason that ordinarily would be 
impermissible. If the church states that there is no religious reason for the 
firing – if it says that the discrimination is not based on any religious tenet 
– does the Court’s holding protect the church? Perhaps the point is that a 
court simply can’t take cognizance of a religious organization’s reason for 
firing a minister, or involve itself in such a  case, even if there is no 
dispute about the reason being nonreligious. But I’m not sure.

Mark S. Scarberry
Professor of Law
Pepperdine Univ. School of Law



From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of David Cruz
Sent: Wednesday, January 11, 2012 5:58 PM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Cc: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: Re: Hosanna-Tabor

It seems to me an easy distinction between the case of the undocumented 
minister posited by Howard and today's case is that if the government deports 
someone for being unlawfully present, that is in no way predicated upon a 
decision by a church to select that person as a minister; the church's decision 
is simply irrelevant to the government's legal claim for deportation.  Wrongful 
termination suits, grounded in tort law or antidiscrimination law, however, do 
depend upon a church's reasons for firing someone, which is what I take the 
Court's opinion to be getting at.  Similar reasoning would apply to questions 
of ministers' arrestability.  The emphasis, it seems to me, should be less on 
civil interference with employment clergy and more on civil interference with 
selection (or de-selection) of clergy.
David B. Cruz
Professor of Law
University of Southern California Gould School of Law
Los Angeles, CA 90089-0071
U.S.A.

On Jan 11, 2012, at 4:54 PM, Friedman, Howard M. 
howard.fried...@utoledo.edumailto:howard.fried...@utoledo.edu wrote:

I think that the decision has much broader implications for church autonomy. I 
have just developed this argument in some detail in a posting on Religion 
Clause, for those who may be interested in reading it. 
http://religionclause.blogspot.com/2012/01/analysis-some-thoughts-on-church.html
  I welcome any reactions.

Howard Friedman


-Original Message-
From: 
religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edumailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
on behalf of John Taylor
Sent: Wed 1/11/2012 3:26 PM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: RE: Hosanna-Tabor

There was a very good panel on the case at AALS Saturday morning (organized by 
Chris Lund and featuring Doug, Rick, Bob Tuttle, Caroline Corbin, and Leslie 
Griffin) and it included, among other things, an exchange between Rick Garnett 
and Bob Tuttle on the rationale for the ministerial exception.  While both 
acknowledged that they were overstating their differences, the contrast (as I 
understood it) was one between viewing the ministerial exception as completely 
(or almost completely) about the judicial disability to decide religious 
questions (a.k.a. the hands-off principle, the no religious decisions 
principle per Eugene) and viewing it as protecting certain kinds of decisions 
made by religious groups whether religious questions have to be decided or not. 
 (Maybe I've got that all wrong, and if so my apologies to Rick and Bob.)

While I agree that autonomy is a loaded word that the majority did not use 
and I agree that this case doesn't and isn't meant to reach beyond employment 
discrimination claims by ministers, the second view does seem to me 
potentially a bit broader than the first.  For example, Caroline Corbin and 
Leslie Griffin suggested at the panel that since this was a retaliation case, 
all the court really had to decide was whether there had been retaliation and 
this was not a religious question.  (Their argument, I think, was that the 
church's response -- it was retaliation based on religious principle -- is 
irrelevant unless there's a religious exemption from the retaliation provisions 
in the ABA.  Since Smith forecloses the latter argument, they suggested, you 
could decide the case without getting beyond the fact of retaliation, which was 
essentially admitted by the church.)  That argument may have some force if one 
thinks that the ministerial exception is entirely about disability to decide 
religious questions, but it has little force if one simply says, Look, the 
idea that religious groups get to decide who will play important spiritual 
roles without state interference is very old, and state interference in the 
selection of clergy is at the core of what the Establishment Clause meant to 
forbid.  If she's a minister, the state can't second-guess that decision in an 
employment discrimination suit.  Period.

At least to me, the majority opinion reads like the 

Re: Hosanna-Tabor

2012-01-12 Thread Steven Jamar
How is it that we as lawyers and law professors fell so deeply into
thinking that *Smith* meant what it said?  Or even what Scalia said it said
in his opinion in *Hialeah*?  Or even what Kennedy said it meant in Hialeah?

Hosanna-Tabor is an easy case if one doesn't believe Scalia meant what he
said in *Smith*.  It is a case of the state intruding on the essential
ministry operations and doctrinal understandings and application of those
understandings of a religion.

So I guess the Court is willing to allow the inquiry into doctrine and
belief to proceed to some extent, probably using some sort of pretext or
sincerity standard to limit the intrusion.

Will there be many cases really?  It seems to me that BFOQ and the minister
exception will, in nearly all instances, be capable of relatively easy
application, unclouded by *Smith* language.

Steve


-- 
Prof. Steven Jamar
Howard University School of Law
Associate Director, Institute of Intellectual Property and Social Justice
(IIPSJ)
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Re: Hosanna-Tabor

2012-01-12 Thread David Cruz
It seems to me an easy distinction between the case of the undocumented 
minister posited by Howard and today's case is that if the government deports 
someone for being unlawfully present, that is in no way predicated upon a 
decision by a church to select that person as a minister; the church's decision 
is simply irrelevant to the government's legal claim for deportation.  Wrongful 
termination suits, grounded in tort law or antidiscrimination law, however, do 
depend upon a church's reasons for firing someone, which is what I take the 
Court's opinion to be getting at.  Similar reasoning would apply to questions 
of ministers' arrestability.  The emphasis, it seems to me, should be less on 
civil interference with employment clergy and more on civil interference with 
selection (or de-selection) of clergy.

David B. Cruz
Professor of Law
University of Southern California Gould School of Law
Los Angeles, CA 90089-0071
U.S.A.

On Jan 11, 2012, at 4:54 PM, Friedman, Howard M. 
howard.fried...@utoledo.edumailto:howard.fried...@utoledo.edu wrote:


I think that the decision has much broader implications for church autonomy. I 
have just developed this argument in some detail in a posting on Religion 
Clause, for those who may be interested in reading it. 
http://religionclause.blogspot.com/2012/01/analysis-some-thoughts-on-church.html
  I welcome any reactions.

Howard Friedman


-Original Message-
From: 
religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edumailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
on behalf of John Taylor
Sent: Wed 1/11/2012 3:26 PM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: RE: Hosanna-Tabor

There was a very good panel on the case at AALS Saturday morning (organized by 
Chris Lund and featuring Doug, Rick, Bob Tuttle, Caroline Corbin, and Leslie 
Griffin) and it included, among other things, an exchange between Rick Garnett 
and Bob Tuttle on the rationale for the ministerial exception.  While both 
acknowledged that they were overstating their differences, the contrast (as I 
understood it) was one between viewing the ministerial exception as completely 
(or almost completely) about the judicial disability to decide religious 
questions (a.k.a. the hands-off principle, the no religious decisions 
principle per Eugene) and viewing it as protecting certain kinds of decisions 
made by religious groups whether religious questions have to be decided or not. 
 (Maybe I've got that all wrong, and if so my apologies to Rick and Bob.)

While I agree that autonomy is a loaded word that the majority did not use 
and I agree that this case doesn't and isn't meant to reach beyond employment 
discrimination claims by ministers, the second view does seem to me 
potentially a bit broader than the first.  For example, Caroline Corbin and 
Leslie Griffin suggested at the panel that since this was a retaliation case, 
all the court really had to decide was whether there had been retaliation and 
this was not a religious question.  (Their argument, I think, was that the 
church's response -- it was retaliation based on religious principle -- is 
irrelevant unless there's a religious exemption from the retaliation provisions 
in the ABA.  Since Smith forecloses the latter argument, they suggested, you 
could decide the case without getting beyond the fact of retaliation, which was 
essentially admitted by the church.)  That argument may have some force if one 
thinks that the ministerial exception is entirely about disability to decide 
religious questions, but it has little force if one simply says, Look, the 
idea that religious groups get to decide who will play important spiritual 
roles without state interference is very old, and state interference in the 
selection of clergy is at the core of what the Establishment Clause meant to 
forbid.  If she's a minister, the state can't second-guess that decision in an 
employment discrimination suit.  Period.

At least to me, the majority opinion reads like the quote at the end of the 
last paragraph.  It doesn't seem to hold out any possibility that some 
employment discrimination cases might be within the judiciary's competence to 
decide if only it could do so without getting into religious questions.  One 
could perhaps reach the same result by saying Where it's a discrimination 
claim, religious questions will always be involved and thus the 
no-religious-decisions principle explains everything.  Some panelists on 
Saturday appeared to express that view, and it might be correct.  But it's 
striking to me that this argument is made only by Alito.  The majority opinion 
seems to me closer in spirit to Rick's idea that maybe the hiring and firing of 
ministers is a matter of sphere sovereignty -- the state's authority to 
regulate here just runs out.  I think this is also the approach Doug asked them 
to take, and it's pretty similar to what we used to call church autonomy back 
in the day.  I understand the (good) reasons for some discomfort with the term, 

RE: Supreme Court sides with church on decision to fire employee on religious grounds

2012-01-12 Thread Volokh, Eugene
It strikes me that the Texas Monthly conclusion -- that tax exemptions 
are equivalent to subsidies -- is quite persuasive.  That's the rule the Court 
announced for religion-specific exemptions (Texas Monthly), for free speech 
cases (Taxation With Representation v. Regan), and for religious exemption 
cases (Bob Jones University).  Why should this equivalence then be rejected as 
to religion-neutral programs?  And given those cases, coupled with the 
constitutionality of religion-neutral charitable tax deductions, I would think 
that religion-neutral charitable tax vouchers should be equally constitutional.

Eugene

 -Original Message-
 From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu [mailto:religionlaw-
 boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Alan Brownstein
 Sent: Thursday, January 12, 2012 3:08 PM
 To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
 Subject: RE: Supreme Court sides with church on decision to fire employee on
 religious grounds
 
 We disagree -- in part because I think it would be easy to draft a formally
 religion-neutral voucher that would be used primarily and overwhelmingly
 by church members to pay dues and in part because I think the Establishment
 Clause prohibits the government from taking over the financing of religion
 (even if it funds some secular institutions while doing so.)
 
 -Original Message-
 From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu [mailto:religionlaw-
 boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Volokh, Eugene
 Sent: Thursday, January 12, 2012 2:15 PM
 To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
 Subject: RE: Supreme Court sides with church on decision to fire employee on
 religious grounds
 
   I think that if the government decided to give a religion-neutral
 charitable donation voucher that congregants could give to their church, to
 the ACLU, to a private school (secular or religious), or anyone else, that
 would be just as constitutional as the religion-neutral charitable donation
 matching-funds-voucher that is provided by the charitable donation tax
 deduction.  (I agree that a religion-only voucher would be unconstitutional,
 see Texas Monthly v. Bullock, but I assumed that we were talking about
 religion-neutral programs.)
 
   Eugene
 
  -Original Message-
  From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu [mailto:religionlaw-
  boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Alan Brownstein
  Sent: Thursday, January 12, 2012 2:07 PM
  To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
  Subject: RE: Supreme Court sides with church on decision to fire
  employee on religious grounds
 
  No. I'm saying that government funding questions regarding religious
  institutions require a multi-factor analysis and the fact that the
  government funding is distributed through vouchers is only one factor
  to be considered in the analysis. Are you saying that because
  taxpayers receive charitable deductions for funds they donate to their
  house of worship and churches (and clergy) receive various tax
  exemptions that it would be constitutional for government to give
  vouchers to congregants that they could use to pay church dues and the
 salary of their clergy?
 
  Alan
 
  -Original Message-
  From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu [mailto:religionlaw-
  boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Volokh, Eugene
  Sent: Thursday, January 12, 2012 1:24 PM
  To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
  Subject: RE: Supreme Court sides with church on decision to fire
  employee on religious grounds
 
  Alan:  Doesn't that return us to the perennial question of whether
  Witters was rightly decided, whether the GI Bill should have been
  unconstitutional, and whether the Court has been right in saying that
  tax exemptions are generally a form of subsidy?  After all, under
  Witters, the GI Bill, and the charitable tax exemption, either
  government money or the benefits of deductibility are provided to,
  among other things, religious instruction, proselytizing, and worship.
  Are you indeed saying that the Establishment Clause prohibits this?
 
  Eugene
 
   -Original Message-
   From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu [mailto:religionlaw-
   boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Alan Brownstein
   Sent: Thursday, January 12, 2012 1:13 PM
   To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
   Subject: RE: Supreme Court sides with church on decision to fire
   employee on religious grounds
  
   As you know, Tom, I don't assign as much weight to the distinction
   between direct grants and vouchers as you, and the Court, do -- and
   my analysis of voucher programs is multi-factored.  But for the
   purposes of this argument, let me point to two problems with the
   government paying the salary of the employees of a religious
   institution who play an important role as an instrument of her
   church's religious message and as a leader of its worship
   activities.  First, government funding will be used for religious
   instruction, proselytizing and 

RE: Supreme Court sides with church on decision to fire employee on religious grounds

2012-01-12 Thread Volokh, Eugene
1)  It's hard to see how the Court's decision has thrown 
[laws] into limbo.  The Court took pretty much the same view taken for years 
by many lower courts; whatever doubt the Court's decision casts on these laws 
had already been cast on them by lower court decisions.

2)  I don't think the Court's decision about the scope of the 
First Amendment rights of churches to dismiss ministerial employees would 
necessarily affect the interpretation of statutory terms.  New York courts are 
free to continue interpreting clergy providing ministerial services as they 
please, subject only to the requirement - which long predates Hosanna-Tabor - 
that courts may not unduly entangle themselves in religious decisions.

Eugene

From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Samuel Krieger
Sent: Thursday, January 12, 2012 4:35 PM
To: 'Law  Religion issues for Law Academics'
Subject: RE: Supreme Court sides with church on decision to fire employee on 
religious grounds


A whole host of laws are now thrown into limbo  as a result of the decision -


For example NY Workers Compensation Law exempts the following from the 
mandatory coverage provisions-

The applicant is a nonprofit (under IRS rules) with NO compensated individuals 
providing services except for

clergy; or is a religious, charitable or educational nonprofit (Section 
501(c)(3) under the IRS tax code) with no

compensated individuals providing services except for clergy providing 
ministerial services; and persons performing

teaching or nonmanual labor.

Quare - After the decision, has the definition of clergy been expanded .

SAMUEL M. KRIEGER

Krieger  Prager LLP

skrie...@kplawfirm.commailto:skrie...@kplawfirm.com

Tel: (212) 363-2900
___
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RE: Hosanna-Tabor

2012-01-12 Thread Alan Brownstein
While there is a lot of merit in what Eugene writes, it seems to me that he is 
identifying three arguments in support of the ministerial exemption:

1. It has strong historical roots.

2. There is a freedom of association dimension to it.

3. It is very circumscribed in its scope and involves far less judicial 
intrusion into executive and legislative decisions.

All are valid points. But I'm not sure they adequately distinguish why this 
particular set of religious decisions gets constitutional protection while 
others do not.  

1. Other religious exemptions have strong historical roots. 

2. Many individual religious practices have an expressive dimension and 
communicate the beliefs and commitment of the believer. Is the right of 
expressive associations to choose their leaders more deserving of protection 
than the right of individuals and congregations to express their beliefs 
through religious worship and practice? And if the expressive associational 
dimension of religious groups choosing their leader is part of the foundation 
of this decision, one might argue that freedom of speech and association 
doctrine undermine the claim that organizations expressing a particular 
viewpoint (here, religious beliefs) should receive greater protection against 
government regulations than organizations expressing an alternative viewpoint 
(secular ideas).

3. One could draw other narrow zones protecting religious decisions and 
practice that limit judicial intrusion into legislative and executive authority.

Let me be clear that I am not suggesting that the Court was incorrect in 
recognizing a ministerial exemption.  (I think it was correct in doing so.) And 
it may be that the historical foundation for such an exemption is so strong 
that it can be distinguished from any traditionally recognized exemption for 
religious individuals or congregations.  But I think there is more to this 
argument than the three very relevant points that Eugene identifies or that are 
captured by the terms physical acts and internal church governance.

Alan Brownstein

-Original Message-
From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Volokh, Eugene
Sent: Wednesday, January 11, 2012 9:06 AM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Cc: Eric J Segall
Subject: RE: Hosanna-Tabor

I agree with Doug on this, and want to add one item:  The 
Sherbert/Yoder regime put courts in the position of having to evaluate a vast 
range of laws -- antidiscrimination laws, animal cruelty laws, assisted suicide 
bans, child labor laws, compelled testimony laws, copyright laws, drug laws, 
tax laws, traffic laws, zoning laws, and more -- in lawsuits brought by anyone 
who could sincerely claim a religious objection to their application to him (a 
group that might start small for each law, but might well grow as the 
availability of exemptions led people, subconsciously or deliberately, to 
assert convenient religious beliefs).  The Smith majority rebelled (I think 
correctly) against having federal courts deciding in each case whether the 
government interest was compelling enough and whether the law was really 
necessary to serve the interest, which is to say against having federal 
courts constantly second-guessing the legislature's moral and practical 
judgment behind a vas!
 t range of laws.  (This is also, I think, why the Court has provided extremely 
modest protection against content-neutral restrictions on expressive conduct, 
both imposing in O'Brien a much more deferential test than strict scrutiny and 
then holding in Rumsfeld v. FAIR that the protection would in any event only 
apply to a narrow range of conduct that was expressive on its own.)
 
Hosanna-Tabor puts courts in the position of constraining legislative 
judgment only as to a narrow range of conduct: church selection of ministers.  
Despite the Court's point that the right is not the same as the right to 
freedom of association, this zone of judicial control is already not far from 
the zone where judges have to protect expressive associations' rights to choose 
leaders and members.  What's more, this is a zone where there has been a much 
more solid and consistent history of immunity from governmental control.  And 
in any event, it's just substantively quite a narrow zone.

So while the private interest involved in Smith and Hosanna-Tabor may 
be comparable -- or in some Smith cases even greater -- and the government 
interest may often be similar (indeed, Smith applies to antidiscrimination laws 
themselves), the magnitude of the judicial intrusion in Sherbert/Yoder is much 
greater than in Hosanna-Tabor.  And that, I think, rightly makes a big 
difference.

Eugene

 -Original Message-
 From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu [mailto:religionlaw- 
 boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Douglas Laycock
 Sent: Wednesday, January 11, 2012 8:42 AM
 To: 'Eric J Segall'; 'Con 

RE: Supreme Court sides with church on decision to fire employee on religious grounds

2012-01-12 Thread Alan Brownstein
As you know, Tom, I don't assign as much weight to the distinction between 
direct grants and vouchers as you, and the Court, do -- and my analysis of 
voucher programs is multi-factored.  But for the purposes of this argument, let 
me point to two problems with the government paying the salary of the employees 
of a religious institution who play an important role as an instrument of her 
church's religious message and as a leader of its worship activities.  First, 
government funding will be used for religious instruction, proselytizing and 
worship -- which I believe the Establishment Clause prohibits.

Second, and more importantly for the present discussion, the core of the 
Court's argument in Hosanna-Tabor is that government should not be involved in 
decisions that affect the faith and mission of the church. But the faith and 
mission of the church cannot be independent and autonomous from government if 
the church is dependent on government funding to pay the salaries of those who 
play  an important role as an instrument of her church's religious message and 
as a leader of its worship activities.

I don't think the issue should be resolved by permitting government to fund 
positions that fall within the ministerial exception if the religious 
institution does not discriminate on race, nationality, gender or disability, 
while allowing government to refuse to fund those same positions if 
discriminatory criteria control the religious institution's hiring decisions. 
That gives the government control over the religious institution's core 
religious hiring decisions -- exactly what the ministerial exception is 
intended to prohibit. I think that  these positions, because of their status 
and function, should not be funded by government whether the religious 
institution exercises the full extent of the authority it has under the 
ministerial exception or not.

Alan 

-Original Message-
From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Berg, Thomas C.
Sent: Thursday, January 12, 2012 7:28 AM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: RE: Supreme Court sides with church on decision to fire employee on 
religious grounds

Alan, I'm not predicting two more justices, let alone with any certainty, or 
talking about all lay teachers.  I was only making the point that three 
justices adopted a broader standard than the majority, and the fact that one of 
them was Kagan is notable and makes the road to additional votes significantly 
easier than otherwise.  My sense, from oral argument among other things, was 
that Roberts and Scalia would be easier fifth votes than Kennedy to go further 
than these facts.  On your second point, in many religious schools, at least 
some lay teachers have a central role, not just some role, in communicating the 
religious message, as Lemon and many other cases have emphasized.  

Finally, I agree that funding complicates things.  I assume that government has 
authority to refuse to fund positions where discriminatory selection criteria 
operate (although, as you know, I think religious-belief selection criteria are 
a different case concerning religious organizations).  I wouldn't turn that 
authority into carte blanche for funding restrictions.  Would you say the mere 
fact that some lay teachers at a school would be classified within the 
ministerial exception would justify excluding all students at that school from 
participating in a true private choice voucher program, or (at the college 
level) from receiving state scholarships?  Would you say this even if the 
school had not been shown to discriminate but merely referred to such teachers 
as ministers?

-
Thomas C. Berg
James L. Oberstar Professor of Law and Public Policy University of St. Thomas 
School of Law MSL 400, 1000 LaSalle Avenue
Minneapolis, MN   55403-2015
Phone: 651 962 4918
Fax: 651 962 4881
E-mail: tcb...@stthomas.edu
SSRN: http://ssrn.com/author='261564
Weblog: http://www.mirrorofjustice.blogs.com

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RE: Supreme Court sides with church on decision to fire employee on religious grounds

2012-01-12 Thread Alan Brownstein
We disagree -- in part because I think it would be easy to draft a formally 
religion-neutral voucher that would be used primarily and overwhelmingly by 
church members to pay dues and in part because I think the Establishment Clause 
prohibits the government from taking over the financing of religion (even if it 
funds some secular institutions while doing so.)

-Original Message-
From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Volokh, Eugene
Sent: Thursday, January 12, 2012 2:15 PM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: RE: Supreme Court sides with church on decision to fire employee on 
religious grounds

I think that if the government decided to give a religion-neutral 
charitable donation voucher that congregants could give to their church, to 
the ACLU, to a private school (secular or religious), or anyone else, that 
would be just as constitutional as the religion-neutral charitable donation 
matching-funds-voucher that is provided by the charitable donation tax 
deduction.  (I agree that a religion-only voucher would be unconstitutional, 
see Texas Monthly v. Bullock, but I assumed that we were talking about 
religion-neutral programs.)

Eugene

 -Original Message-
 From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu [mailto:religionlaw- 
 boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Alan Brownstein
 Sent: Thursday, January 12, 2012 2:07 PM
 To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
 Subject: RE: Supreme Court sides with church on decision to fire 
 employee on religious grounds
 
 No. I'm saying that government funding questions regarding religious 
 institutions require a multi-factor analysis and the fact that the 
 government funding is distributed through vouchers is only one factor 
 to be considered in the analysis. Are you saying that because 
 taxpayers receive charitable deductions for funds they donate to their 
 house of worship and churches (and clergy) receive various tax 
 exemptions that it would be constitutional for government to give 
 vouchers to congregants that they could use to pay church dues and the salary 
 of their clergy?
 
 Alan
 
 -Original Message-
 From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu [mailto:religionlaw- 
 boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Volokh, Eugene
 Sent: Thursday, January 12, 2012 1:24 PM
 To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
 Subject: RE: Supreme Court sides with church on decision to fire 
 employee on religious grounds
 
   Alan:  Doesn't that return us to the perennial question of whether 
 Witters was rightly decided, whether the GI Bill should have been 
 unconstitutional, and whether the Court has been right in saying that 
 tax exemptions are generally a form of subsidy?  After all, under 
 Witters, the GI Bill, and the charitable tax exemption, either 
 government money or the benefits of deductibility are provided to, 
 among other things, religious instruction, proselytizing, and worship.  
 Are you indeed saying that the Establishment Clause prohibits this?
 
   Eugene
 
  -Original Message-
  From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu [mailto:religionlaw- 
  boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Alan Brownstein
  Sent: Thursday, January 12, 2012 1:13 PM
  To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
  Subject: RE: Supreme Court sides with church on decision to fire 
  employee on religious grounds
 
  As you know, Tom, I don't assign as much weight to the distinction 
  between direct grants and vouchers as you, and the Court, do -- and 
  my analysis of voucher programs is multi-factored.  But for the 
  purposes of this argument, let me point to two problems with the 
  government paying the salary of the employees of a religious 
  institution who play an important role as an instrument of her 
  church's religious message and as a leader of its worship 
  activities.  First, government funding will be used for religious 
  instruction, proselytizing and worship -- which I believe the Establishment 
  Clause prohibits.
 
  Second, and more importantly for the present discussion, the core of 
  the Court's argument in Hosanna-Tabor is that government should not 
  be involved in decisions that affect the faith and mission of the church.
  But the faith and mission of the church cannot be independent and 
  autonomous from government if the church is dependent on government 
  funding to pay the salaries of those who play  an important role as 
  an instrument of her church's religious message and as a leader of 
  its
 worship activities.
 
  I don't think the issue should be resolved by permitting government 
  to fund positions that fall within the ministerial exception if the 
  religious institution does not discriminate on race, nationality, 
  gender or disability, while allowing government to refuse to fund 
  those same positions if discriminatory criteria control the 
  religious institution's hiring decisions. That gives the 

RE: Supreme Court sides with church on decision to fire employee on religious grounds

2012-01-12 Thread Eric Rassbach

Alan --

I'd be interested to know how one might design such a formally religion-neutral 
voucher that would be used primarily and overwhelmingly by church members to 
make contributions to their churches. It doesn't seem that easy to me; perhaps 
you could explain to the group how one would design such a program to target 
donations to churches.

As an aside, it's not really right (in the vast majority of cases) to think of 
church attendees paying dues as opposed to making donations. See, e.g., this 
Freakonomics article on dues vs. donations: 

http://www.freakonomics.com/2010/10/19/churches-versus-synagogues-voluntary-donations-versus-dues/

My understanding is that at most Christian church services, donations are made 
by a pass-the-plate method, there is often some attempt to anonymize who has 
done the giving, and anyone in attendance may give, not necessarily just 
members. Don't know if that affects the analysis at all, but dues is not the 
right word.

Eric



From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu [religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] 
On Behalf Of Alan Brownstein [aebrownst...@ucdavis.edu]
Sent: Thursday, January 12, 2012 6:07 PM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: RE: Supreme Court sides with church on decision to fire employee on
religious grounds

We disagree -- in part because I think it would be easy to draft a formally 
religion-neutral voucher that would be used primarily and overwhelmingly by 
church members to pay dues and in part because I think the Establishment Clause 
prohibits the government from taking over the financing of religion (even if it 
funds some secular institutions while doing so.)

-Original Message-
From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Volokh, Eugene
Sent: Thursday, January 12, 2012 2:15 PM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: RE: Supreme Court sides with church on decision to fire employee on 
religious grounds

I think that if the government decided to give a religion-neutral 
charitable donation voucher that congregants could give to their church, to 
the ACLU, to a private school (secular or religious), or anyone else, that 
would be just as constitutional as the religion-neutral charitable donation 
matching-funds-voucher that is provided by the charitable donation tax 
deduction.  (I agree that a religion-only voucher would be unconstitutional, 
see Texas Monthly v. Bullock, but I assumed that we were talking about 
religion-neutral programs.)

Eugene

 -Original Message-
 From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu [mailto:religionlaw-
 boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Alan Brownstein
 Sent: Thursday, January 12, 2012 2:07 PM
 To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
 Subject: RE: Supreme Court sides with church on decision to fire
 employee on religious grounds

 No. I'm saying that government funding questions regarding religious
 institutions require a multi-factor analysis and the fact that the
 government funding is distributed through vouchers is only one factor
 to be considered in the analysis. Are you saying that because
 taxpayers receive charitable deductions for funds they donate to their
 house of worship and churches (and clergy) receive various tax
 exemptions that it would be constitutional for government to give
 vouchers to congregants that they could use to pay church dues and the salary 
 of their clergy?

 Alan

 -Original Message-
 From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu [mailto:religionlaw-
 boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Volokh, Eugene
 Sent: Thursday, January 12, 2012 1:24 PM
 To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
 Subject: RE: Supreme Court sides with church on decision to fire
 employee on religious grounds

   Alan:  Doesn't that return us to the perennial question of whether
 Witters was rightly decided, whether the GI Bill should have been
 unconstitutional, and whether the Court has been right in saying that
 tax exemptions are generally a form of subsidy?  After all, under
 Witters, the GI Bill, and the charitable tax exemption, either
 government money or the benefits of deductibility are provided to,
 among other things, religious instruction, proselytizing, and worship.
 Are you indeed saying that the Establishment Clause prohibits this?

   Eugene

  -Original Message-
  From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu [mailto:religionlaw-
  boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Alan Brownstein
  Sent: Thursday, January 12, 2012 1:13 PM
  To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
  Subject: RE: Supreme Court sides with church on decision to fire
  employee on religious grounds
 
  As you know, Tom, I don't assign as much weight to the distinction
  between direct grants and vouchers as you, and the Court, do -- and
  my analysis of voucher programs is multi-factored.  But for the
  purposes of this argument, let me point to 

RE: Supreme Court sides with church on decision to fire employee on religious grounds

2012-01-12 Thread Volokh, Eugene
Alan:  Doesn't that return us to the perennial question of whether 
Witters was rightly decided, whether the GI Bill should have been 
unconstitutional, and whether the Court has been right in saying that tax 
exemptions are generally a form of subsidy?  After all, under Witters, the GI 
Bill, and the charitable tax exemption, either government money or the benefits 
of deductibility are provided to, among other things, religious instruction, 
proselytizing, and worship.  Are you indeed saying that the Establishment 
Clause prohibits this?

Eugene

 -Original Message-
 From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu [mailto:religionlaw-
 boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Alan Brownstein
 Sent: Thursday, January 12, 2012 1:13 PM
 To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
 Subject: RE: Supreme Court sides with church on decision to fire employee on
 religious grounds
 
 As you know, Tom, I don't assign as much weight to the distinction between
 direct grants and vouchers as you, and the Court, do -- and my analysis of
 voucher programs is multi-factored.  But for the purposes of this argument,
 let me point to two problems with the government paying the salary of the
 employees of a religious institution who play an important role as an
 instrument of her church's religious message and as a leader of its worship
 activities.  First, government funding will be used for religious 
 instruction,
 proselytizing and worship -- which I believe the Establishment Clause
 prohibits.
 
 Second, and more importantly for the present discussion, the core of the
 Court's argument in Hosanna-Tabor is that government should not be
 involved in decisions that affect the faith and mission of the church. But the
 faith and mission of the church cannot be independent and autonomous
 from government if the church is dependent on government funding to pay
 the salaries of those who play  an important role as an instrument of her
 church's religious message and as a leader of its worship activities.
 
 I don't think the issue should be resolved by permitting government to fund
 positions that fall within the ministerial exception if the religious 
 institution
 does not discriminate on race, nationality, gender or disability, while
 allowing government to refuse to fund those same positions if discriminatory
 criteria control the religious institution's hiring decisions. That gives the
 government control over the religious institution's core religious hiring
 decisions -- exactly what the ministerial exception is intended to prohibit. I
 think that  these positions, because of their status and function, should not
 be funded by government whether the religious institution exercises the full
 extent of the authority it has under the ministerial exception or not.
 
 Alan
 
 -Original Message-
 From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu [mailto:religionlaw-
 boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Berg, Thomas C.
 Sent: Thursday, January 12, 2012 7:28 AM
 To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
 Subject: RE: Supreme Court sides with church on decision to fire employee on
 religious grounds
 
 Alan, I'm not predicting two more justices, let alone with any certainty, or
 talking about all lay teachers.  I was only making the point that three 
 justices
 adopted a broader standard than the majority, and the fact that one of them
 was Kagan is notable and makes the road to additional votes significantly
 easier than otherwise.  My sense, from oral argument among other things,
 was that Roberts and Scalia would be easier fifth votes than Kennedy to go
 further than these facts.  On your second point, in many religious schools, at
 least some lay teachers have a central role, not just some role, in
 communicating the religious message, as Lemon and many other cases have
 emphasized.
 
 Finally, I agree that funding complicates things.  I assume that government
 has authority to refuse to fund positions where discriminatory selection
 criteria operate (although, as you know, I think religious-belief selection
 criteria are a different case concerning religious organizations).  I wouldn't
 turn that authority into carte blanche for funding restrictions.  Would you 
 say
 the mere fact that some lay teachers at a school would be classified within
 the ministerial exception would justify excluding all students at that school
 from participating in a true private choice voucher program, or (at the
 college level) from receiving state scholarships?  Would you say this even if
 the school had not been shown to discriminate but merely referred to such
 teachers as ministers?
 
 -
 Thomas C. Berg
 James L. Oberstar Professor of Law and Public Policy University of St.
 Thomas School of Law MSL 400, 1000 LaSalle Avenue
 Minneapolis, MN   55403-2015
 Phone: 651 962 4918
 Fax: 651 962 4881
 E-mail: tcb...@stthomas.edu
 SSRN: http://ssrn.com/author='261564
 Weblog: 

Re: Hosanna-Tabor

2012-01-12 Thread Douglas Laycock
People could take an absolutist view of two realms in the Founders' time; they 
obviously cannot any more, with the enormous expansion of government.

My commitment to religious liberty, including the ministerial exception, is 
based in a deep commitment to civil liberties more generally. There should be 
no inconsistency in protecting the rights of believers in Hosanna-Tabor and 
protecting the rights of nonbeliever with respect to the Pledge. Both are about 
various ways in which government interferes with the religious beliefs and 
practices of individuals and groups.  

Of course imposing a minister on an unwilling congregation is a far more 
serious intrusion than asking (but not requiring) school children to give a 
brief and generic affirmation of faith. But such judgments about the weight of 
violations do not go to the basic point. My commitment is to liberty for all. 

On Thu, 12 Jan 2012 17:48:47 -0500 (EST)
 ledew...@duq.edu wrote:
I would like to return to the panel at AALS that John Taylor mentioned. 
Two of the panelists arguing in favor of the ministerial exception, Chris
Lund and Douglas Laycock, would not be considered pro-religion in the
conventional sense—both believe for example that the Pledge of Allegiance
is in principle unconstitutional.  Their support of the ministerial
exception could not really be based on history or the need for an
unfettered religious presence in society.  So, upon what was their support
ultimately based—what underlying worldview was being urged?

Although only mentioned once on the panel, I think the worldview at stake
was the “two realms” understanding—that the State and the Church operate
in separate domains.  But there are problems with this view.  First, we as
a society do not really believe it.  The King’s criminal law now reaches
into the churches, fortunately, and a capitalist society will always
ensure that ministers’ contracts are honored by churches, in court if
necessary (as the Court in Hosanna-Tabor predictably reserved).

But neither do religious believers accept the two realms.  For separate
realms can also mean marginalization of religion into a private space. 
The next time believers want a national motto with the word God in it, the
objection will be raised that State and Church are indeed separate, as the
ministerial exception seems to imply.

The basis of the ministerial exception has to be something quite
different—that it is precisely because churches do not operate in a
separate realm that the ministerial exception stands for a limit on the
omnipotence of the State in any of its activities (and this has been a
defense of the symbolism of one Nation under God as well).  Of course if
this is the case, then in principle the ministerial exception could be
available to groups that are not now considered religious and it suggests
that Smith was wrongly decided since the Free Exercise Clause also stands
for the proposition that the government is not omnipotent even in its
legitimate activities.

Bruce Ledewitz
Professor of Law
Duquesne Law School


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Douglas Laycock
Robert E. Scott Distinguished Professor of Law
University of Virginia Law School
580 Massie Road
Charlottesville, VA  22903
 434-243-8546
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Re: Hosanna-Tabor

2012-01-12 Thread Ira Lupu
Does the line of cases that allow sexual harassment claims for damages by
clergy against their religious employers (e.g., Bollard v. Cal. Province of
Society of Jesus, 196 F. 3d 940 (9th Cir, 1999)) survive Hosanna-Tabor?  Is
that just another employment discrimination suit, or is it more like an
action by [an] employee[] alleging . . . tortious conduct, of the sort
left open by the Hosanna-Tabor opinion?

On Wed, Jan 11, 2012 at 11:42 AM, Douglas Laycock dlayc...@virginia.eduwrote:

 Is anyone convinced by the Court's distinction of Smith? Well actually, all
 nine Justices were convinced, all twelve federal circuits have been
 convinced, and twelve state supreme courts have been convinced, with none
 going the other way.  Physical acts is not the best label for the scope
 of
 Smith, but the basic distinction between internal church governance and
 other matters goes all the way back to Locke. It is embedded in a line of
 Supreme Court cases that long pre-date Sherbert and Yoder and that
 peacefully co-existed with Reynolds v. United States (a case refusing
 religious exemptions).

 Douglas Laycock
 Robert E. Scott Distinguished Professor of Law
 University of Virginia Law School
 580 Massie Road
 Charlottesville, VA  22903
 434-243-8546


 -Original Message-
 From: conlawprof-boun...@lists.ucla.edu
 [mailto:conlawprof-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Eric J Segall
 Sent: Wednesday, January 11, 2012 10:40 AM
 To: Con Law Prof list
 Subject: RE: Hosanna-Tabor II

 This is the sum total, after a quick read, of what the Court said about
 Smith:

 But a church's selection of its ministers is unlike an individual's
 ingestion of peyote. Smith involved government regulation of only outward
 physical acts.  The present case, in contrast, concerns government
 interference with an internal church decision that affects the faith and
 mission of the church itself.  See id., at 877 (distinguishing the
 government's regulation ofphysical acts from its lend[ing] its power to
 one or the other side in controversies over religious authority or dogma).
 The contention that Smith forecloses recognition of a ministerial exception
 rooted in the Religion Clauses has no merit.

 Physical acts, v. an internal church decision.

 Is anyone convinced by this?


 
 From: Eric J Segall
 Sent: Wednesday, January 11, 2012 10:34 AM
 To: Con Law Prof list
 Subject: Hosanna-Tabor

 So Title VII, a generally applicable law that was not passed to hurt or
 affect religion (and in fact protects religion), does not apply to
 religious
 groups.  I am not an expert in the Free Exercise Area, but how can Scalia
 join this opinion? Am I  missing something?

 Thanks,

 Eric

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 private.  Anyone can subscribe to the list and read messages that are
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-- 
Ira C. Lupu
F. Elwood  Eleanor Davis Professor of Law
George Washington University Law School
2000 H St., NW
Washington, DC 20052
(202)994-7053
My SSRN papers are here:
http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/cf_dev/AbsByAuth.cfm?per_id=181272#reg
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Re: Hosanna-Tabor-- apologies

2012-01-12 Thread Hamilton02
My apologies for inadvertently sending a private message to the  group.
So much sending emails from my new IPhone...
 

Marci A.  Hamilton
36 Timber Knoll Drive
Washington Crossing, PA  18977
215-353-8984

Paul R. Verkuil Chair in Public Law
Benjamin N.  Cardozo School of Law
Yeshiva University
55 Fifth Avenue
New York, NY  10003

@Marci_Hamilton 
_www.facebook.com/professormarciahamilton_ 
(http://www.facebook.com/professormarciahamilton) 



In a message dated 1/12/2012 11:35:09 A.M. Eastern Standard Time,  
mae.kuykend...@law.msu.edu writes:

I wonder if there are any data on employment by religious institutions,  
classified by rough job category.  The nature of the problem relates to  the 
scope of persons affected, as Ted explains.  It could be large, it  could be 
small.  There must be a range of roles with clear connections to  
propagating the faith/doctrine and others that could not plausibly be so  
classified.  
Is there any statistical base to inform a judgment about  scope?  If we 
assume almost no one would suggest ministers are not  appropriately exempt from 
state regulation (other than for bad acts that  implicate criminal 
misconduct, and even there churches have been aggressive  about seeking to 
avoid 
state jurisdiction), then the question becomes how many  people have employment 
with religious institutions in ordinary jobs that  might be 
re-characterized as ministerial by a clever church lawyer and how  many 
(janitors?) might 
be, incontestably, outside that category. 
 
But suppose a church claims that janitors are trained in the proper godly  
approach to cleaning and are responsible for distributing appropriate  
literature throughout the building and serving as an example to their brothers  
and sisters in the flock?  Might they be ministers?
 
mk

 Theodore Ruger tru...@law.upenn.edu  1/12/2012 11:15 AM 
Coming late to this thread with some  (too-long) thoughts about how this 
may play out in future litigation . . .  

I share Mike Dorf’s concern about the vagueness of the Court’s  standard 
under which employees of religious organizations can now be  classified as “
ministers” for the purposes of the exception, particularly  given the 
unwillingness of lower court judges to seriously examine the claims  about 
religious doctrine that churches make during this kind of  litigation.   
(Speaking 
of which, was there any record evidence to  support the Missouri Synod’s 
claim that as a matter of faith it “prefers to  resolve disputes among 
Christians internally”, or did the district court  accept it without inquiry?   
Can 
every religion invoke, ipse dixit,  such a “spiritual” preference for 
internal dispute resolution, simply by  virtue of being a religious group?   
What 
about those Catholic  archdioceses whose bishops in 2004 announced often in 
the mainstream media  that John Kerry was ineligible to receive communion 
because of his pro-choice  views – in subsequent employment litigation should 
their schools be able to  assert an absolute and unexamined spiritual 
preference for keeping disputes  among Catholics private?)

I suspect that federal courts will continue  to be extremely deferential in 
scrutinizing such claims in litigation, which  in turn creates strong 
incentives for religious groups and their attorneys to  be extremely capacious 
after the fact about who they characterize as  “ministerial” whenever an 
employment dispute arises.   And such  broad ex post characterizations will 
have 
the effect of substantially  curtailing the employment rights of large 
numbers of employees who may not  even know they are so classified, and 
certainly may not know about the effect  of the classification on their 
workplace 
rights.

This concern leads me  to imagine two possible ex ante measures – one a 
reporting rule and one a  disclosure requirement – that in my view would be 
both constitutionally  permissible and sound policy, though I’m sure some will 
disagree on one or  both counts.   First, most of these religious 
organizations already  file 501(c)(3) returns with the IRS each year – why 
shouldn’t 
the IRS require,  among the many other disclosures on the return, a schedule 
of the  organization's employees each year classified as “lay” or “
ministerial.”   Minimally intrusive, serves a clear secular purpose in guiding 
the 
EEOC’s  investigatory behavior should an employee in either category file a 
complaint,  and would discourage churches’ ex post expansions of the 
category during  litigation. 

More substantial would be a disclosure requirement imposed  by federal or 
state law that would require religious organizations to provide  all persons 
hired or reclassified as “ministerial” with prior notice that such  status 
adversely effects their rights to sue as employees under current  law.   
Such disclosure rules are commonly applied to non-religious  employers (for 
instance when someone is hired under a contract that mandates  arbitration to 
resolve 

RE: Supreme Court sides with church on decision to fire employee on religious grounds

2012-01-12 Thread James Edward Maule
Perhaps a comparison to the interpretation of minister of the gospel in 
Internal Revenue Code section 107, which provides a gross income exclusion for 
the rental value of housing provided to ministers of the gospel (the parsonage 
exclusion) is helpful. Perhaps it raises more questions. Perhaps it is or is 
not (or will turn out to be or not to be) coterminous with the definition for 
other purposes. It is relevant to Alan's question in the sense that a gross 
income exclusion (like a tax deduction or credit) is equivalent in many ways to 
funding.

From my BNA Tax Management, Inc., Gross Income: Overview and Conceptual 
Aspects, two paragraphs (without footnotes) addressing the scope of the 
exclusion in terms of who qualifies:

Although the language of §107 refers to ministers of the gospel, the exclusion 
applies to persons who are ordained, commissioned, or licensed to perform 
substantially all the religious functions within the practice of the 
denomination. Thus, the exclusion is available for rabbis and cantors of the 
Jewish faith, ordained deacons, ordained gospel ministers who administer 
sacraments, preach, and conduct worship services, and unordained but 
commissioned or licensed members of a religious denomination who perform 
substantially all of the religious functions within the practice of the 
denomination. But the exclusion is not available to unordained, uncommissioned 
and unlicensed persons who perform nonreligious services for a church.

The §107 exclusion also applies to retired ministers of the gospel. 
Payments to surviving spouses, however, are not covered by the exclusion. Also 
not covered are payments to employees of religious organizations who are not 
ordained, commissioned, or licensed ministers and who do not perform any 
religious functions. No exclusion is available to a taxpayer whose duties as a 
religious functionary did not require performance by a person with ministerial 
authority and that were more organizational than religious in nature.

Jim Maule


-Original Message-
From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Alan Brownstein
Sent: Thursday, January 12, 2012 1:01 AM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: RE: Supreme Court sides with church on decision to fire employee on 
religious grounds

Tom,

I have long since given up trying to predict how Supreme Court justices will 
decide future cases (or to assume that there will be logical consistency or 
even intellectual integrity in all opinions.) But Justice Roberts clearly and 
repeatedly emphasizes the title, status, and acknowledged role of minister or 
clergy as significant factors in reaching his decision in this case. Why are 
you so confident that all of this language in the opinion is superflous? I 
agree that Alito and Kagan's concurrence provides more support for including 
some lay teachers in the exception. But even they say What matters is that 
respondent played an important role as an instrument of her church's religious 
message and as a leader of its worship activities.  The words important role 
and a leader arguably mean something different than some role and a 
participant.

Finally, of course, there is the question of how the understanding of who 
qualifies for the ministerial exception relates to the question of what 
positions the government can fund in religious institutions. Can the government 
fund the salary of teachers who play an important role as an instrument of 
their church's religious message and as a leader in its worship activities? If 
the answer to that question is Yes and it is also true that such teachers are 
enough like clergy in their religious functions to be included in the 
ministerial exception, would it follow that government can also fund the salary 
of clergy? Is it constitutionally permissible for the government to refuse to 
fund teaching positions at a religious school which refuses to hire 
African-Americans, women, and the disabled as teachers?

Alan




From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu [religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] 
on behalf of Berg, Thomas C. [tcb...@stthomas.edu]
Sent: Wednesday, January 11, 2012 7:47 PM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: RE: Supreme Court sides with church on decision to fire employee on
religious grounds

Alan,

I agree that the majority leaves open the issue of lay teachers.  But since 
three justices take a broader approach to defining a minister, all you need for 
a majority in a later case is two more votes, and Roberts and Scalia seem 
reasonable prospects to me in a case that presents the issue.  Thomas would 
defer heavily to the religious organization's characterization of an employee 
as a minister.  And Alito and Kagan say that ordained or commissioned status 
isn't crucial, that the criterion is positions of substantial religious 
importance-including those teaching 

Re: Hosanna-Tabor

2012-01-12 Thread Marci Hamilton
Did you watch Sat night live last week w Charles Barkley?  He did this 
hilarious piece about a supposed show called white people problems.  When I 
hear these guys talking about the needs of the churches to be shielded from 
liability for discrimination, for some reason that skit comes to mind.

On Jan 11, 2012, at 10:07 PM, David Cruz dc...@law.usc.edu wrote:

 I agree.  :-)
 
 And great to have seen you in DC!
 
 
 David B. Cruz
 Professor of Law
 University of Southern California Gould School of Law
 Los Angeles, CA 90089-0071
 U.S.A.
 
 On Jan 11, 2012, at 6:49 PM, Marci Hamilton hamilto...@aol.com wrote:
 
 I agree with David, though I would characterize the Court's paradigmatic 
 concern as being about the right to choose selection criteria.  Catholics 
 and Orthodox Jews plainly have the right to favor men over women and Hosanna 
 Tabor Lutherans have the right to choose mediators instead of litigators.   
 I am not persuaded by Howard's characterization of some kind of 
 institutional autonomy.   The unanimous decision is too carefully parsed for 
 that to be a touchstone for future interpretation. The way the decision is  
 constructed and explained, there are many open questions and every case will 
 be fact specific. 
 Except we know for sure that there is no jurisdictional bar so cases will 
 have to be scrutinized by the courts  and subject to judicial 
 interpretation.   Marci
 
 On Jan 11, 2012, at 8:58 PM, David Cruz dc...@law.usc.edu wrote:
 
 It seems to me an easy distinction between the case of the undocumented 
 minister posited by Howard and today's case is that if the government 
 deports someone for being unlawfully present, that is in no way predicated 
 upon a decision by a church to select that person as a minister; the 
 church's decision is simply irrelevant to the government's legal claim for 
 deportation.  Wrongful termination suits, grounded in tort law or 
 antidiscrimination law, however, do depend upon a church's reasons for 
 firing someone, which is what I take the Court's opinion to be getting at.  
 Similar reasoning would apply to questions of ministers' arrestability.  
 The emphasis, it seems to me, should be less on civil interference with 
 employment clergy and more on civil interference with selection (or 
 de-selection) of clergy.
 
 David B. Cruz
 Professor of Law
 University of Southern California Gould School of Law
 Los Angeles, CA 90089-0071
 U.S.A.
 
 On Jan 11, 2012, at 4:54 PM, Friedman, Howard M. 
 howard.fried...@utoledo.edu wrote:
 
 I think that the decision has much broader implications for church 
 autonomy. I have just developed this argument in some detail in a posting 
 on Religion Clause, for those who may be interested in reading it. 
 http://religionclause.blogspot.com/2012/01/analysis-some-thoughts-on-church.html
   I welcome any reactions.
 
 Howard Friedman
 
 
 -Original Message-
 From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu on behalf of John Taylor
 Sent: Wed 1/11/2012 3:26 PM
 To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
 Subject: RE: Hosanna-Tabor
 
 There was a very good panel on the case at AALS Saturday morning 
 (organized by Chris Lund and featuring Doug, Rick, Bob Tuttle, Caroline 
 Corbin, and Leslie Griffin) and it included, among other things, an 
 exchange between Rick Garnett and Bob Tuttle on the rationale for the 
 ministerial exception.  While both acknowledged that they were overstating 
 their differences, the contrast (as I understood it) was one between 
 viewing the ministerial exception as completely (or almost completely) 
 about the judicial disability to decide religious questions (a.k.a. the 
 hands-off principle, the no religious decisions principle per Eugene) 
 and viewing it as protecting certain kinds of decisions made by religious 
 groups whether religious questions have to be decided or not.  (Maybe I've 
 got that all wrong, and if so my apologies to Rick and Bob.)  
 
 While I agree that autonomy is a loaded word that the majority did not 
 use and I agree that this case doesn't and isn't meant to reach beyond 
 employment discrimination claims by ministers, the second view does seem 
 to me potentially a bit broader than the first.  For example, Caroline 
 Corbin and Leslie Griffin suggested at the panel that since this was a 
 retaliation case, all the court really had to decide was whether there had 
 been retaliation and this was not a religious question.  (Their argument, 
 I think, was that the church's response -- it was retaliation based on 
 religious principle -- is irrelevant unless there's a religious exemption 
 from the retaliation provisions in the ABA.  Since Smith forecloses the 
 latter argument, they suggested, you could decide the case without getting 
 beyond the fact of retaliation, which was essentially admitted by the 
 church.)  That argument may have some force if one thinks that the 
 ministerial exception is entirely about disability to decide religious 
 

RE: Hosanna-Tabor

2012-01-12 Thread Alan Brownstein
While there is a lot of merit in what Eugene writes, it seems to me that he is 
identifying three arguments in support of the ministerial exemption:

1. It has strong historical roots.

2. There is a freedom of association dimension to it.

3. It is very circumscribed in its scope and involves far less judicial 
intrusion into executive and legislative decisions.

All are valid points. But I'm not sure they adequately distinguish why this 
particular set of religious decisions gets constitutional protection while 
others do not.  

1. Other religious exemptions have strong historical roots. 

2. Many individual religious practices have an expressive dimension and 
communicate the beliefs and commitment of the believer. Is the right of 
expressive associations to choose their leaders more deserving of protection 
than the right of individuals and congregations to express their beliefs 
through religious worship and practice? And if the expressive associational 
dimension of religious groups choosing their leader is part of the foundation 
of this decision, one might argue that freedom of speech and association 
doctrine undermine the claim that organizations expressing a particular 
viewpoint (here, religious beliefs) should receive greater protection against 
government regulations than organizations expressing an alternative viewpoint 
(secular ideas).

3. One could draw other narrow zones protecting religious decisions and 
practice that limit judicial intrusion into legislative and executive authority.

Let me be clear that I am not suggesting that the Court was incorrect in 
recognizing a ministerial exemption.  (I think it was correct in doing so.) And 
it may be that the historical foundation for such an exemption is so strong 
that it can be distinguished from any traditionally recognized exemption for 
religious individuals or congregations.  But I think there is more to this 
argument than the three very relevant points that Eugene identifies or that are 
captured by the terms physical acts and internal church governance.

Alan Brownstein

-Original Message-
From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Volokh, Eugene
Sent: Wednesday, January 11, 2012 9:06 AM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Cc: Eric J Segall
Subject: RE: Hosanna-Tabor

I agree with Doug on this, and want to add one item:  The 
Sherbert/Yoder regime put courts in the position of having to evaluate a vast 
range of laws -- antidiscrimination laws, animal cruelty laws, assisted suicide 
bans, child labor laws, compelled testimony laws, copyright laws, drug laws, 
tax laws, traffic laws, zoning laws, and more -- in lawsuits brought by anyone 
who could sincerely claim a religious objection to their application to him (a 
group that might start small for each law, but might well grow as the 
availability of exemptions led people, subconsciously or deliberately, to 
assert convenient religious beliefs).  The Smith majority rebelled (I think 
correctly) against having federal courts deciding in each case whether the 
government interest was compelling enough and whether the law was really 
necessary to serve the interest, which is to say against having federal 
courts constantly second-guessing the legislature's moral and practical 
judgment behind a vas!
 t range of laws.  (This is also, I think, why the Court has provided extremely 
modest protection against content-neutral restrictions on expressive conduct, 
both imposing in O'Brien a much more deferential test than strict scrutiny and 
then holding in Rumsfeld v. FAIR that the protection would in any event only 
apply to a narrow range of conduct that was expressive on its own.)
 
Hosanna-Tabor puts courts in the position of constraining legislative 
judgment only as to a narrow range of conduct: church selection of ministers.  
Despite the Court's point that the right is not the same as the right to 
freedom of association, this zone of judicial control is already not far from 
the zone where judges have to protect expressive associations' rights to choose 
leaders and members.  What's more, this is a zone where there has been a much 
more solid and consistent history of immunity from governmental control.  And 
in any event, it's just substantively quite a narrow zone.

So while the private interest involved in Smith and Hosanna-Tabor may 
be comparable -- or in some Smith cases even greater -- and the government 
interest may often be similar (indeed, Smith applies to antidiscrimination laws 
themselves), the magnitude of the judicial intrusion in Sherbert/Yoder is much 
greater than in Hosanna-Tabor.  And that, I think, rightly makes a big 
difference.

Eugene

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