Orion > Orion Magazine > November | December 2004 >
Wendell Berry
Compromise, Hell!
Economic WMDs are being used against our people in a version of
"freedom" that makes greed the dominant virtue
WE ARE DESTROYING OUR COUNTRY -- I mean our country itself, our land.
This is a terrible thing to know, but it is not a reason for despair
unless we decide to continue the destruction. If we decide to
continue the destruction, that will not be because we have no other
choice. This destruction is not necessary. It is not inevitable,
except that by our submissiveness we make it so.
We Americans are not usually thought to be a submissive people, but
of course we are. Why else would we allow our country to be
destroyed? Why else would we be rewarding its destroyers? Why else
would we all -- by proxies we have given to greedy corporations and
corrupt politicians -- be participating in its destruction? Most of
us are still too sane to piss in our own cistern, but we allow others
to do so and we reward them for it. We reward them so well, in fact,
that those who piss in our cistern are wealthier than the rest of us.
How do we submit? By not being radical enough. Or by not being
thorough enough, which is the same thing.
Since the beginning of the conservation effort in our country,
conservationists have too often believed that we could protect the
land without protecting the people. This has begun to change, but for
a while yet we will have to reckon with the old assumption that we
can preserve the natural world by protecting wilderness areas while
we neglect or destroy the economic landscapes -- the farms and
ranches and working forests -- and the people who use them. That
assumption is understandable in view of the worsening threats to
wilderness areas, but it is wrong. If conservationists hope to save
even the wild lands and wild creatures, they are going to have to
address issues of economy, which is to say issues of the health of
the landscapes and the towns and cities where we do our work, and the
quality of that work, and the well-being of the people who do the
work.
Governments seem to be making the opposite error, believing that the
people can be adequately protected without protecting the land. And
here I am not talking about parties or party doctrines, but about the
dominant political assumption. Sooner or later, governments will have
to recognize that if the land does not prosper, nothing else can
prosper for very long. We can have no industry or trade or wealth or
security if we don't uphold the health of the land and the people and
the people's work.
It is merely a fact that the land, here and everywhere, is suffering.
We have the "dead zone" in the Gulf of Mexico and undrinkable water
to attest to the toxicity of our agriculture. We know that we are
carelessly and wastefully logging our forests. We know that soil
erosion, air and water pollution, urban sprawl, the proliferation of
highways and garbage are making our lives always less pleasant, less
healthful, less sustainable, and our dwelling places more ugly.
Photograph | Bradley Simmons/Picturequest
Photograph | Charles E. Rotkin/CORBIS
Nearly forty years ago my state of Kentucky, like other
coal-producing states, began an effort to regulate strip mining.
While that effort has continued, and has imposed certain requirements
of "reclamation," strip mining has become steadily more destructive
of the land and the land's future. We are now permitting the
destruction of entire mountains and entire watersheds. No war, so
far, has done such extensive or such permanent damage. If we know
that coal is an exhaustible resource, whereas the forests over it are
with proper use inexhaustible, and that strip mining destroys the
forest virtually forever, how can we permit this destruction? If we
honor at all that fragile creature the topsoil, so long in the
making, so miraculously made, so indispensable to all life, how can
we destroy it? If we believe, as so many of us profess to do, that
the Earth is God's property and is full of His glory, how can we do
harm to any part of it?
In Kentucky, as in other unfortunate states, and again at great
public cost, we have allowed -- in fact we have officially encouraged
-- the establishment of the confined animal-feeding industry, which
exploits and abuses everything involved: the land, the people, the
animals, and the consumers. If we love our country, as so many of us
profess to do, how can we so desecrate it?
But the economic damage is not confined just to our farms and
forests. For the sake of "job creation," in Kentucky, and in other
backward states, we have lavished public money on corporations that
come in and stay only so long as they can exploit people here more
cheaply than elsewhere. The general purpose of the present economy is
to exploit, not to foster or conserve.
Look carefully, if you doubt me, at the centers of the larger towns
in virtually every part of our country. You will find that they are
economically dead or dying. Good buildings that used to house
needful, useful, locally owned small businesses of all kinds are now
empty or have evolved into junk stores or antique shops. But look at
the houses, the churches, the commercial buildings, the courthouse,
and you will see that more often than not they are comely and well
made. And then go look at the corporate outskirts: the chain stores,
the fast-food joints, the food-and-fuel stores that no longer can be
called service stations, the motels. Try to find something comely or
well made there.
What is the difference? The difference is that the old town centers
were built by people who were proud of their place and who realized a
particular value in living there. The old buildings look good because
they were built by people who respected themselves and wanted the
respect of their neighbors. The corporate outskirts, on the contrary,
were built by people who manifestly take no pride in the place, see
no value in lives lived there, and recognize no neighbors. The only
value they see in the place is the money that can be siphoned out of
it to more fortunate places -- that is, to the wealthier suburbs of
the larger cities.
Can we actually suppose that we are wasting, polluting, and making
ugly this beautiful land for the sake of patriotism and the love of
God? Perhaps some of us would like to think so, but in fact this
destruction is taking place because we have allowed ourselves to
believe, and to live, a mated pair of economic lies: that nothing has
a value that is not assigned to it by the market; and that the
economic life of our communities can safely be handed over to the
great corporations.
We citizens have a large responsibility for our delusion and our
destructiveness, and I don't want to minimize that. But I don't want
to minimize, either, the large responsibility that is borne by
government.
It is commonly understood that governments are instituted to provide
certain protections that citizens individually cannot provide for
themselves. But governments have tended to assume that this
responsibility can be fulfilled mainly by the police and the
military. They have used their regulatory powers reluctantly and
often poorly. Our governments have only occasionally recognized the
need of land and people to be protected against economic violence. It
is true that economic violence is not always as swift, and is rarely
as bloody, as the violence of war, but it can be devastating
nonetheless. Acts of economic aggression can destroy a landscape or a
community or the center of a town or city, and they routinely do so.
Such damage is justified by its corporate perpetrators and their
political abettors in the name of the "free market" and "free
enterprise," but this is a freedom that makes greed the dominant
economic virtue, and it destroys the freedom of other people along
with their communities and livelihoods. There are such things as
economic weapons of massive destruction. We have allowed them to be
used against us, not just by public submission and regulatory
malfeasance, but also by public subsidies, incentives, and
sufferances impossible to justify.
We have failed to acknowledge this threat and to act in our own
defense. As a result, our once-beautiful and bountiful countryside
has long been a colony of the coal, timber, and agribusiness
corporations, yielding an immense wealth of energy and raw materials
at an immense cost to our land and our land's people. Because of that
failure also, our towns and cities have been gutted by the likes of
Wal-Mart, which have had the permitted luxury of destroying locally
owned small businesses by means of volume discounts.
Because as individuals or even as communities we cannot protect
ourselves against these aggressions, we need our state and national
governments to protect us. As the poor deserve as much justice from
our courts as the rich, so the small farmer and the small merchant
deserve the same economic justice, the same freedom in the market, as
big farmers and chain stores. They should not suffer ruin merely
because their rich competitors can afford (for a while) to undersell
them.
Furthermore, to permit the smaller enterprises always to be ruined by
false advantages, either at home or in the global economy, is
ultimately to destroy local, regional, and even national capabilities
of producing vital supplies such as food and textiles. It is
impossible to understand, let alone justify, a government's
willingness to allow the human sources of necessary goods to be
destroyed by the "freedom" of this corporate anarchy. It is equally
impossible to understand how a government can permit, and even
subsidize, the destruction of the land and the land's productivity.
Somehow we have lost or discarded any controlling sense of the
interdependence of the Earth and the human capacity to use it well.
The governmental obligation to protect these economic resources,
inseparably human and natural, is the same as the obligation to
protect us from hunger or from foreign invaders. In result, there is
no difference between a domestic threat to the sources of our life
and a foreign one.
It appears that we have fallen into the habit of compromising on
issues that should not, and in fact cannot, be compromised. I have an
idea that a large number of us, including even a large number of
politicians, believe that it is wrong to destroy the Earth. But we
have powerful political opponents who insist that an Earth-destroying
economy is justified by freedom and profit. And so we compromise by
agreeing to permit the destruction only of parts of the Earth, or to
permit the Earth to be destroyed a little at a time -- like the
famous three-legged pig that was too well loved to be slaughtered all
at once.
The logic of this sort of compromising is clear, and it is clearly
fatal. If we continue to be economically dependent on destroying
parts of the Earth, then eventually we will destroy it all.
Photograph | Michael Grinley
Photograph | Ken Collinst
So long a complaint accumulates a debt to hope, and I would
like to end with hope. To do so I need only repeat something I said
at the beginning: Our destructiveness has not been, and it is not,
inevitable. People who use that excuse are morally incompetent, they
are cowardly, and they are lazy. Humans don't have to live by
destroying the sources of their life. People can change; they can
learn to do better. All of us, regardless of party, can be moved by
love of our land to rise above the greed and contempt of our land's
exploiters. This of course leads to practical problems, and I will
offer a short list of practical suggestions.
We have got to learn better to respect ourselves and our dwelling
places. We need to quit thinking of rural America as a colony. Too
much of the economic history of our land has been that of the export
of fuel, food, and raw materials that have been destructively and too
cheaply produced. We must reaffirm the economic value of good
stewardship and good work. For that we will need better accounting
than we have had so far.
We need to reconsider the idea of solving our economic problems by
"bringing in industry." Every state government appears to be scheming
to lure in a large corporation from somewhere else by "tax
incentives" and other squanderings of the people's money. We ought to
suspend that practice until we are sure that in every state we have
made the most and the best of what is already there. We need to build
the local economies of our communities and regions by adding value to
local products and marketing them locally before we seek markets
elsewhere.
We need to confront honestly the issue of scale. Bigness has a charm
and a drama that are seductive, especially to politicians and
financiers; but bigness promotes greed, indifference, and damage, and
often bigness is not necessary. You may need a large corporation to
run an airline or to manufacture cars, but you don't need a large
corporation to raise a chicken or a hog. You don't need a large
corporation to process local food or local timber and market it
locally.
And, finally, we need to give an absolute priority to caring well for
our land -- for every bit of it. There should be no compromise with
the destruction of the land or of anything else that we cannot
replace. We have been too tolerant of politicians who, entrusted with
our country's defense, become the agents of our country's destroyers,
compromising on its ruin.
And so I will end this by quoting my fellow Kentuckian, a great
patriot and an indomitable foe of strip mining, Joe Begley of
Blackey: "Compromise, hell!"
WENDELL BERRY farms in Port Royal, Kentucky, with his family. He is
the author of more than thirty books of fiction, essays, and poetry,
including Citizen Papers, The Unsettling of America, and Another Turn
of the Crank (essays); That Distant Land (stories); and A Timbered
Choir: The Sabbath Poems 1979-1997. His new novel, Hannah Coulter,
will be published this fall by Shoemaker & Hoard.
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