[EM] (MA-0) A medium of assent for the support of large scale communicative action

2008-09-20 Thread Michael Allan
(May I post this draft for the record?  And for comment, if anyone is
interested?)

I describe a medium in which agreements arising from discussion can
build incrementally to include large numbers of people.  I suggest
that the medium might enable the institution of communicative action
at societal scales.  Consensus of the population might then decide
such questions as the allocation of state power and the promulgation
of norms.

(I'll post each section separately, as I finish drafting it.)

-- 
Michael Allan

Toronto, 647-436-4521
http://zelea.com/


Election-Methods mailing list - see http://electorama.com/em for list info


[EM] (MA-1) A medium of communicative assent

2008-09-20 Thread Michael Allan
(Draft section 1 of A medium of assent for the support of large scale
communicative action.) http://zelea.com/project/votorola/d/theory.xht

Communicative assent is the expression of agreement, particularly of
agreement that arises from discussion.  I describe a medium in which
communicative assent is formalized through voting.  The voting
mechanism is a delegate cascade that is open to recasting.  In a
delegate cascade, a delegate is any participant who both receive
votes (like a candidate), and casts a vote of her own (like a voter).
But when a delegate casts a vote, it carries with it those received.
And so on...  Passing from delegate to delegate, the votes flow
together and gather in volume - they cascade - like raindrops down the
branches of a tree.^[4]

FIGURE 1.  Cascades in tree form.  The measure of assent for each
participant is the quantity of votes currently received (circled
number).  Vote flow is depicted by arrows, with volume shown for
each.  The votes flow together until they pool at the bottom
(red), where they are held by the leading candidates.  (The
depiction is unrealistic.  Actual cascades would likely be
bushier, with perhaps 5-20 voters per candidate on average.)

http://zelea.com/project/votorola/d/_/cascade.png

Every participant has a single vote.  She may either cast it or
withold it.  If she casts it, she may cast it for anyone.  There are
no pre-declared candidates.  All participants are eligible to receive
votes.  All non-participants are also eligible.  A non-participant who
receives a vote is thereby made a participant.

Votes are open to recasting.  If a voter changes her mind about a
candidate, she is free to withdraw her vote, or to recast it for
another candidate.  Polls are intended to remain open indefinitely,
year round, with the votes shifting as new information becomes
available to the voters.  There is never a final result that cannot be
undone by recasting.

Votes are public.  There are no secret ballots.  For every vote that
is cast, the identities of the voter and the candidate are visible.
Anyone may trace the flow of a vote from its original caster, through
all intermediate delegates, to the final candidate who holds it.^[9]

Assent for each candidate is measured as the quantity of votes
received (circled numbers in figures 1 and 2).  Note that a single
vote may be received by multiple delegates before it is received by
the final candidate.  As each delegate or candidate receives the vote,
her measure of assent is incremented.  When the vote finally reaches
the candidate from whom it can flow no further, it is held by that
candidate.  The total of votes held by a candidate (red numbers) has
no bearing on the measure of assent.

The typical structure of a delegate cascade is a tree.  As shown in
figure 1 (above), it has a single candidate at the root; voters at the
leaves (top); and delegates among the branches in between.  The
general structure however is a cyclic graph, as shown here in figure
2.

FIGURE 2.  Cyclic cascade.  Depicts a cascade that has formed into
a nearly perfect ring structure.  A single voter outside of the
ring has injected a vote.  It carries nearly full circle until it
comes to rest with a candidate who consequently holds two votes
(bottom left).  Nevertheless the assent within the ring is equal,
at 6 for each candidate.

http://zelea.com/project/votorola/d/_/cascade-cyclic.png

A vote never actually cycles.  It flows through every candidate
exactly once, but stops before it encounters a candidate for a second
time.  It then remains held where it is.  Consequently assent is
equalized in a cycle.  A vote also stops before it encounters its
original caster.  Consequently a vote for oneself has no effect.

FIGURE 3.  Tight cycles.  The tightest cycle is actually between
two voters (left).  A cycle with a single voter (right) is a null
cycle, equivalent to a withheld vote.

http://zelea.com/project/votorola/d/_/cascade-cyclic-tight.png

Assent is an expression of agreement.  Assent is formalized in the
medium by casting a vote.  The vote is cast for the person who best
represents the thing agreed to.  Of all the things that might be ageed
to, I wish to consider only acts.  For example, Juanita may propose to
build a sandbox for children in the neighbourhood park.  Samantha may
formally express her agreement to that act by voting for Juanita.

A person has a single vote for every act that could possibly be
proposed.  If Juanita also proposes that Rajiv should be appointed as
Park Superintendent, then Samantha could vote for Juanita on this act,
too.  The two votes - one to build the sandbox, and one to appoint
Rajiv - would have no formal connection to each other.  They would be
cast in separate elections, so to speak.

Variant acts may be proposed.  Variant acts are acts that differ from
the originally proposed act.  When a variant act is proposed, the

Re: [EM] language/framing quibble

2008-09-20 Thread Fred Gohlke

Good Morning, Raph

re:  My concern would be that their opinions would be dismissed
  out of hand.  If there is nobody pushing them at a national
  level, then that is an almost instinctive reaction to weird
  ideas (including 'good' weird ideas).

Any opinion that can be dismissed out of hand, should be.  Even a 
'good' weird idea must have enough appeal to inspire thought.




re: Well, would be worth seeing if it works at the council level
 first.

I agree.  That's why I was helping with the draft for the Sefton Borough 
Council.  Will it cause a ripple?  I dunno.




re: (About explaining the worst case, where all except a minority
 gets removed), Ahh, I did with the religious minority?

As I said in my response to that explanation, the reasoning is seriously 
flawed.  It is based on the idea that an individual can 'veto' any 
selection except his own.  That's a losing proposition because it 
prevents the individual's advance.  It is not a strategy by which any 
ideology, however rabid, can gain power.




re: The question comes down to how well the 'Veto anyone else
 being promoted' works. and the strained rationale that
 follows:

The entire derivation leading to A 10.41% minority would take 10 rounds 
to be virtually 100% and 6 rounds to have a majority. is based on 
irrational assumptions.  I recognize the need to find a hole in the 
concept, but a concerted ideological attack isn't one of them.  The 
proposal atomizes all ideologies, the 'good' ones and the 'bad' ones, 
and forces their detailed examination.




re: (with regard to a zealot), He says nothing about his veto
plan, and then at the end if he can't get through he vetoes.

That is roughly equivalent to a suicide bomber.  Fortunately for all of 
us, such people are but an infinitesimal portion of our society 
(although they do damage in excess of their number.)


Note that the process prevents the zealot from affecting more than two 
people.  The effect, for them, is bad, but they have two things in their 
favor:  They have an opportunity to convert the zealot to a different 
view and they have the knowledge that elections are a repetitive 
process.  They'll have another chance.




re: (with regard to whether a zealot could advance), Would
people see through him?

That depends on his talent for obfuscation and deceit and the 
perceptiveness of his peers.  We currently endure a system that elevates 
unscrupulous people by design.  They are masters of deceit and 
obfuscation.  Were they subjected to the critical examination proposed 
in Practical Democracy, very few would attain public office.  As I said 
in the outline (and to Kristofer Munsterhjelm, the other day):


  This is a distillation process, biased in favor of the most
   upright and capable of our citizens.  It cannot guarantee that
   unprincipled individuals will never be selected ... such a
   goal would be unrealistic ... but it does insure that they are
   the exception rather than the rule.



re: It would depend on how the voting works.

That will be an implementation matter.  In my opinion, the three people 
in a triad, after due deliberation, will either be able to say 'We've 
agreed on a candidate' or 'We cannot agree on a candidate'.  I'm not 
sure more should be required.




re: You could assume that a person from a religious group was
 going to be a zealot.

One should not assume anything.  That is particularly true when the 
process provides an opportunity to examine the person and determine the 
extent of their zealotry.




re: Reason is both the problem and solution here.  Reason sets
 up the system and reason tries to find ways to abuse it.

And, that, dear Raph, is a very astute observation.  No system is 
impervious to corruption.  That's why it's important to probe for 
weaknesses in the proposal ... as you've been doing.




re: ... I was just responding to the suggestion that having
 pairs of triads would cause a problem if there was an uneven
 number of triads.  It seems the same solution could apply.

That's a good point.  I should have seen it ... but didn't.



re: ... the increase from 2 to 3 people isn't a major increase.
 If people can handle 2, then they can handle 3.

I don't agree.  Oh!  I agree they can handle 3, but I don't agree they 
can be as detailed or thorough in their evaluation.  It takes time and 
attention to gain insight into another person's nature.  The amount one 
devotes to the task affects the depth of their understanding.  First 
impressions are slowly validated or rejected over time, and the greater 
the time the more accurate the assessment (and the less chance a zealot 
will slip through).




re: The point was that the number of triads that end up in a
 stalemate would increase as the number of rounds pass.

This is a good thought.  The circumstances set up interesting dynamics. 
 Since those who advance will be people with a strong desire for public 
office, 

[EM] Range-Approval hybrid

2008-09-20 Thread Chris Benham
I  have an idea for a  FBC complying method  that  I think is clearly
better  than the version of   Range Voting (aka  Average Rating or
Cardinal Ratings)  defined and promoted by  CRV.

  http://rangevoting.org/

I suggest that voters use multi-slot ratings ballots that have the bottom
slots (at least 2 and not more than half) clearly labelled as expressing
disapproval and all others as expressing Approval.  The default
rating is the bottom-most.

Compute each candidate X's  Approval score and also Approval
Opposition score  (the approval score of the most approved candidate
on ballots that don't approve X). 

All candidates whose approval score is exceeded by their approval
opposition (AO) score are disqualified.  Elect the undisqualified
candidate that is highest ordered by Average Rating.

I suggest many fewer slots than 99  and no  no opinion option, so I
think the resulting method is not more complex for voters.

This method would work much better than normal RV in avoiding a
split-vote problem in a  '2 sub-factions confront a big faction' scenario
(such as  Obama and  Clinton versus McCain).  In this method  if  Obama
and Clinton supporters all approve both candidates and not McCain,
then if there are more of them voting than McCain supporters McCain
must be disqualified, so  Obama and Clinton can compete with each
other more meaningfully and with much less risk of  a McCain win.

Minor party supporters can make approval distinction between the 
front-runners and then rate their sincere favourites exclusive-top with
very little added risk  (compared with rating their preferred front-runner
equal-top) of  allowing their greater evil candidate to win.

It meets a sort of   Approval Strong Minimal Defense that says that
if more voters approve  X and not Y than approve Y, Y can't win.

And a sort of  Approval Majority for Solid Coalitions that says that
if  more than half  the voters rank/rate a subset S of candidates above
all others, and approve all the members of  S and none of the non-members,
then the winner must come from S. 

(This of course is only worth mentioning because the voters supporting
the S candidates can still make meaningful preference distinctions among
them, unlike in plain Approval.) 

Like normal Range it clearly meets Favourite Betrayal, because if  X wins
with some voters insincerely down-rating Y, then if  Y is raised to the top
slot alongside X; X will still be qualified (because X's approval score will
not be reduced and X's AO score can only be reduced), no non-XY candidate
can have a reduced PO score so no previously disqualified non-XY candidate
will become undisqualified; and of course only Y's  Average Ratings score
will be changed so if there is a  new winner it can only be Y.

Like normal Range and unlike  methods such  as  Bucklin, it meets Independence
from Irrelevant Ballots (IIB). This wouldn't be the case if  the rule regarding 
the
approvals specified for example that candidates need to be disapproved by a
majority to be disqualified.

I can't see that this method fails any desirable criterion that normal Range 
meets.

Comments?

Chris  Benham


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