From: "Miroslav Antic" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Reply-To: "STOP NATO: ¡NO PASARAN!" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Date: Sat, 6 Jan 2001 12:25:31 -0500

Commentary: New hard line on Russia

By MARTIN WALKER, Chief International Commentator

WASHINGTON, Jan. 5 (UPI) -- This is the third in an ongoing series by
United Press International reporters that will look at the policies, people
and politics likely to define the next four years. The Bush Administration
approach to dealing with Russia, a former nemesis still armed with nuclear
weapons and besieged by multiple problems, is likely to differ significantly
from that of President Clinton. UPI Chief International Commentator Martin
Walker, an award-winning Moscow correspondent in the 1980s, offers a
preview:

Condoleeza Rice, national security adviser to President-elect George W.
Bush, has signaled a cold-eyed and tough new approach to Russia for the next
four years, in a decisive break with the "failed" policy of the Clinton
years.

In a broad assessment of future U.S. policy toward Russia that appeared
Dec. 31 as an op-ed piece in the Chicago Tribune, she suggests that
President Clinton's talk of Russia as a strategic partner and the era of
financial aid are both history: "Russia's economic future is now in the
hands of the Russians."

"U.S. policy must concentrate on the security agenda with Russia," she
insists. "American security is threatened less by Russia's strength that by
its weakness and incoherence. This suggests immediate attention to the
safety and security of Moscow's nuclear forces and stockpile."

The new White House agenda with Russia will focus on ensuring the safety
of its nuclear arsenal, and on persuading the Kremlin to agree to scrap the
1972 Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty and accept U.S. determination to build a
controversial new anti-missile defense system.

Rice, who made her name in the Washington bureaucracy as an expert on the
Soviet military, also put important new conditions on earlier proposals by
President-elect Bush that the U.S. would be prepared to share ABM
technology.

"Moscow should understand that any possibilities for sharing technology or
information in these areas would depend heavily on its record -- problematic
to date -- on the proliferation of ballistic missiles and other technologies
relating to weapons on mass destruction", Rice says. "It would be foolish in
the extreme to share defenses with Moscow as it either leaks or deliberately
transfers weapons technologies to the very states against which America is
defending."

Rice also hinted that the Russians should be prepared for further
expansions of the NATO alliance, and in particular strong U.S. support for
the three Baltic states, whose incorporation into the old Soviet Union the
U.S. never formally recognized. She cites the Chechen war as "a reminder of
the vulnerability of the small, new states around Russia and America's
interest in their independence." Last year, Rice told a conference at the
prestigious Woodrow Wilson Center that any Russian attempts to veto NATO
membership "will not stand."

Rice, who originally wanted to become a concert pianist before becoming an
academic (and most recently Provost of Stanford University), identifies with
the realist school of U.S. foreign policy, which claims that a country
seldom has permanent friends or permanent enemies but will always have
essential national interests. The realist school, which now seems firmly
installed in the Bush White House, State Department and Pentagon, has little
time for the idealistic school of U.S. foreign policy that dates back to
President Woodrow Wilson (1912-1920), which seeks to build cooperative
international systems of law and collective security.

Her views will be closely watched, not only in Moscow, but also in Europe
and Asia, where she is seen as the incoming Bush administration's in-house
expert on Russian affairs and  the top official most likely to set the
course of U.S.-Russian relations for the next four years.

In her Tribune piece, titled ``Promoting the National Interest,'' Rice
buries the 10-year period of bipartisan foreign policy toward Russia, a
broadly shared approach by Republican and Democrat administrations alike to
support Yeltsin and Russian reform and treat Russia as a largely friendly
state.

"The problem for U.S. policy is that the Clinton administration's ongoing
embrace of Yeltsin and those who were thought to be reformers around him
quite simply failed," she writes. "America certified that reform was taking
place in Russia where it was not, continuing to disburse money from the
International Monetary Fund in the absence of any evidence of serious
change."

"Russia's economy is not becoming a market but is mutating into something
else. Widespread barter, banks that are not banks, billions of rubles
stashed abroad and in mattresses at home, and bizarre privatization schemes
that have enriched the so-called reformers give Moscow's economy a medieval
tinge."

"We now have a dual credibility problem -- with Russians and with
Americans," she says, accusing the Clinton administration of refusing to
publicize these dark sides of the Russian reform process, and by pressing
ahead with international aid and credits despite the manifest corruption in
Moscow.

A striking feature of Rice's new approach is her tone, paying little of
the usual lip-service to Russian national pride, and not fully accepting
Moscow's assertion that it remains a great power.

"It still has many of the attributes of a great power: a large population,
vast territory and military potential," she acknowledges. "But its economic
weakness and problems of national identity threaten to overwhelm it."

Miroslav Antic,
http://www.antic.org/SNN/


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