[Marxism] Vijay Prashad: Crisis, Chains, Change: The American Exception to Marxism
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Vijay Prashad: Crisis, Chains, Change: The American Exception to Marxism
http://mrzine.monthlyreview.org/2011/prashad240111.html
Relevant for its discussion of Marxism Poststructuralism (I can certainly
relate to the sentiments here), the global ruling class and the Tea Party.
From the article:
The Tea http://mrzine.monthlyreview.org/2010/sd210410.html
Partyhttp://mrzine.monthlyreview.org/2010/ds290410.htmlis the
political expression of the fears of the white working class and the
managerial sector. Most of its supporters are older, white, and male. Many
also happen to be Christian fundamentalists.
...
The Tea Party movement seeks a restoration of an early bargain, one that
the white working class has lost as a result of the social processes of
globalization. For its support of U.S. imperial adventures, it is willing
to put up with a livable wage even if the CEO class captures the bulk of the
social wealth for itself. Such a dream is anachronistic. The Tea Party
does not recognize that the United States of America no longer exists.
Its elite class shares far more with the elites of the other G20 states,
that it is committed to globalization as long as these Davos Men do well,
and that it has no loyalty to its own population. The Tea Party represents
the patriotism of fools, who believe that the problem is the gains made by
people of color within the United States.
The Tea Party has no political economy. Nor do its critics. The Tea Party
will take refuge in the politics of toxicity. But one would imagine that
their critics would not dismiss the social conditions that produce them,
from where one can find ways to move their rage toward analysis, and create
the long-term platform for unity against the real system that oppresses us
all -- not the fake system that they believe has taken their jobs away. But
the critics are also empty-handed. Liberal hero Jon Stewart holds a rally
and finds his enemies in odd places: Marxists actively subverting the
Constitution, racists, and homophobes. Remarkable. And George Bush, for
him, is not a war criminal. We have work to do.
--
One thought. To what extent is the ruling class now 'global'? And what does
this mean for how we think about imperialism and capitalism?
Richard Seymour / Lenin's Tomb recently posted this piece:
http://leninology.blogspot.com/2011/01/global-ruling-class.html
Louis Proyect posted as comment the link to a recent New Atlantic article:
http://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2011/01/the-rise-of-the-new-global-elite/8343
William Robinson's recent piece in Radical Philosophy ('The Global Capital
Leviathan') might also be of interest:
http://www.radicalphilosophy.com/default.asp?channel_id=2187editorial_id=29356
There was some discussion of this a decade ago in the midst of the Global
Justice Movement, in particular discussion was catalyzed by Hardt Negri's
'Empire'. But 'Empire' was hopelessly utopian in outlook and then 9/11
happened and all the talk turned to 'The New Imperialism' and a US attempt
to re-assert hegemony via neo-conservatism, Iraq and Afghanistan, etc. One
gets the feeling now that neo-conservatism was less a sea-change than a
stage in the continuing evolution and deepening of a neo-liberal globalism,
something that has been accelerated by this crisis. I noticed Louis
attempted to have a discussion of imperialism some years ago which never
really got past the 1970s. Where are we now?
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Re: [Marxism] Unionization rate drops to 6.9% in private sector
== Rule #1: YOU MUST clip all extraneous text when replying to a message. == On 24/01/2011 03:39, Nick Fredman wrote: Richard Seymore: The embourgoisement thesis doesn't have much going for it Leonardo Kosloff: such theories of the aristocracy of labor are unhelpful I noted before that imperialism per se has little or nothing to do with the decline of union density, but more generally some comrades, not least of the state cap variety, tend to downplay or deny the political effects of relations of relative privilege within the working class, internationally via imperialism, and within national social formations in terms of more skilled, educated and/or better off sections of national working classes. Surely not? First of all, as you're talking about state caps, Tony Cliff argued that imperialism is central to the strength of reformist political attitudes. He differed with Lenin's analysis of 'labour aristocracy', but nonetheless held that capitalist expansion in the form of imperialism provided the economic basis for the Right within the labour movement. With regard to sections within the working class, Cliff's simple argument was that these tended to be more pronounced the weaker the working class is, but are reduced when the workers' standards of living go up. As for myself, I would not use the language of 'privilege', but I would agree with you on the relevance of 'feelings of superiority', or chauvinism. I am the last to deny or 'downplay' the relevant political effects of, say, white supremacy on working class cohesion and strength, which is certainly at the heart of long-term difficulties faced by the US working class for example. It's just not clear to me how theories of 'embourgoisement' or 'labour aristocracy' help with this. -- *Richard Seymour* Writer, blogger and PhD candidate Email: leninstombb...@googlemail.com Website: http://www.leninology.blogspot.com Twitter: http://www.twitter.com/leninology Wiki: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Richard_Seymour_(writer) Book 1: http://www.versobooks.com/books/307-the-liberal-defence-of-murder Book 2: http://www.zero-books.net/obookssite/book/detail/1107/The-Meaning-of-David-Cameron Send list submissions to: Marxism@lists.econ.utah.edu Set your options at: http://lists.econ.utah.edu/mailman/options/marxism/archive%40mail-archive.com
Re: [Marxism] Leaks on the Sell-Out of the Palestinians
== Rule #1: YOU MUST clip all extraneous text when replying to a message. == Hi Jay the Angry Arab's take on this was quite interesting. He believes that the leaks have come from high up inside the PLO. He suspects Mohammed Dahlan is responsible as he has been side lined recently. The *Guardian* is framing the leaks as revealing the intransigence and insincerity of the Israeli negotiators. This is contrasted with the desperation and humiliation of the Palestinians. The *Guardian* is also blaming the US for not being an honest broker. For revolutionaries this is all pretty unsurprising but consciousness is a strange thing and the leaks will in all probability have a big impact in the Arab world.. comradely Gary Send list submissions to: Marxism@lists.econ.utah.edu Set your options at: http://lists.econ.utah.edu/mailman/options/marxism/archive%40mail-archive.com
[Marxism] (fwd) Lots on Lumumba at Pambazuka
== Rule #1: YOU MUST clip all extraneous text when replying to a message. == [forwarded for Patrick Bond] http://www.pambazuka.org/en/ Send list submissions to: Marxism@lists.econ.utah.edu Set your options at: http://lists.econ.utah.edu/mailman/options/marxism/archive%40mail-archive.com
Re: [Marxism] Vijay Prashad: Crisis, Chains, Change: The American Exception to Marxism
== Rule #1: YOU MUST clip all extraneous text when replying to a message. == On Mon, Jan 24, 2011 at 3:32 AM, dave x dave...@gmail.com wrote: The Tea http://mrzine.monthlyreview.org/2010/sd210410.html Partyhttp://mrzine.monthlyreview.org/2010/ds290410.htmlis the political expression of the fears of the white working class and the managerial sector. Most of its supporters are older, white, and male. Many also happen to be Christian fundamentalists. ... The Tea Party movement seeks a restoration of an early bargain, one that the white working class has lost as a result of the social processes of globalization. For its support of U.S. imperial adventures, it is willing to put up with a livable wage even if the CEO class captures the bulk of the social wealth for itself. Such a dream is anachronistic. The Tea Party does not recognize that the United States of America no longer exists. Its elite class shares far more with the elites of the other G20 states, that it is committed to globalization as long as these Davos Men do well, and that it has no loyalty to its own population. The Tea Party represents the patriotism of fools, who believe that the problem is the gains made by people of color within the United States. The Tea Party has no political economy. Nor do its critics. The Tea Party will take refuge in the politics of toxicity. But one would imagine that their critics would not dismiss the social conditions that produce them, from where one can find ways to move their rage toward analysis, and create the long-term platform for unity against the real system that oppresses us all -- not the fake system that they believe has taken their jobs away. But the critics are also empty-handed. Liberal hero Jon Stewart holds a rally and finds his enemies in odd places: Marxists actively subverting the Constitution, racists, and homophobes. Remarkable. And George Bush, for him, is not a war criminal. We have work to do. I fail to see the relationship between the tea party and the white working class. Most of the demographic data on the tea party I have seen, some of it posted on this list, indicates it is primarily a middle and upper-middle class phenomenon. Most working class people are working two or three jobs and don't have time to go to rallies anyway. Greg McD Send list submissions to: Marxism@lists.econ.utah.edu Set your options at: http://lists.econ.utah.edu/mailman/options/marxism/archive%40mail-archive.com
Re: [Marxism] Tunisia
== Rule #1: YOU MUST clip all extraneous text when replying to a message. == More protests in Tunisia against the caretaker government. A private TV-channel has been taken off the air for inciting violence. We all know, and many Tunisian workers know, that any so-called progressive government that will emerge in Tunisia will continue to serve the interests of the ruling class. The only way forward is of course for Tunisian workers to take back the management of their lives and form Workers' Councils to take over the running of the country. This piece of advice comes, as is always the case, from people far removed from the day-to-day going ons, and is not especially helpful. Just like three months ago, when French workers were on the offensive. Rallies and demonstrations take us on a roller-coaster ride of emotions and feverish activity, that leaves us feeling elated and in tune with the equally feverish popular mood. It is fostering a long-term sense that WE are in charge FOR GOOD, let's not return to business as usual until our demands are met that is so very difficult and why long-term organizing is the key. And by long-term organizing, I mean massive Unions and tens of thousands of stubborn workers who are conscious of the task ahead and are experienced in dealing with the tricks of the bourgeoisie through dozens of bitter strikes. Send list submissions to: Marxism@lists.econ.utah.edu Set your options at: http://lists.econ.utah.edu/mailman/options/marxism/archive%40mail-archive.com
[Marxism] Unions
== Rule #1: YOU MUST clip all extraneous text when replying to a message. == Unions became integrated within the Capitalist mode of production in the 50s-70s, and many workers began to see unions as sort of insurance policy, protecting them from the almighty power of management. This is one aspect of the role of a union, but it ignores the other aspect which is revolutionary : to prepare the working class to TAKE OVER the running of infrastructures from the bourgeoisie. Anarcho-syndicalists, since the 1890s, have always been extremely weary of the tendency to view unions as just the representatives of workers vis-a-vis the bosses. This conception of the role of a union, as merely transmitting upwards the frustrations of the working class, is the role favoured by Statist socialists, Keynesians and believers in a mixed-economy. The result is the emergence of a union bureaucracy and, paradoxically, increased disempowerement of the working class. Since the union is just a tool for self-serving ends, workers come to regard it as a tool of self-serving individuals, not as THEIR OWN means of emancipation. However, the 1980-2010 period has clearly shown to most workers that the current epoch is characterized by a ruthless subjugation of US to THEM. There is simply no more room for institutionalized unions. As workers are confronted with massive unemployment and increased casualization of labour, class consciousness (US against THEM) will become more acute. And workers will inevitably start to organize. Send list submissions to: Marxism@lists.econ.utah.edu Set your options at: http://lists.econ.utah.edu/mailman/options/marxism/archive%40mail-archive.com
Re: [Marxism] Tunisia
== Rule #1: YOU MUST clip all extraneous text when replying to a message. == General Rashid Ammar, chief of Staff of the Tunisian Army, spoke to the crowd gathered in front of the Parliament building The army has protected and will continue to protect the people. We will uphold the Constitution. We will not overstep this boundary of protecting the Constitution. Some forces are calling for a vacancy at the head of the state. The absence of a government will only lead to chaos and to a dictatorship. Your grievances are legitimate. But I would like to see you all go home. Please disperse so that this government, or another government, can do its job. In this building there are ministers, but there are also civil servants who are working to enable our country to function. Let them do their job ! General Ammar's speech was greeted with cries of long live the army!' and by singing of the Tunisian national anthem. Many claim that the army played a crucial role in the ousting of Ben Ali by refusing to carry out orders to open fire on pro-democracy demonstrations. Send list submissions to: Marxism@lists.econ.utah.edu Set your options at: http://lists.econ.utah.edu/mailman/options/marxism/archive%40mail-archive.com
[Marxism] Historic Book: A Dialectical Theory of Everything
== Rule #1: YOU MUST clip all extraneous text when replying to a message. == Marxism List Participants, Marx wrote, in 1858, to Engels: I am, by the way, discovering some nice arguments. E.g. I have completely demolished the theory of profit as hitherto propounded. What was of great use to me as regards method of treatment was Hegel’s Logic at which I had taken another look by mere accident, Freiligrath having found and made me a present of several volumes of Hegel, originally the property of Bakunin. If ever the time comes when such work is again possible, I should very much like to write 2 or 3 sheets making accessible to the common reader the rational aspect of the method which Hegel not only discovered but also mystified. [ _Marx to Engels. 16 January 1858_ (http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1858/letters/58_01_16.htm) ] Marx wrote again, in 1868, that he wished to write a book on dialectics, stating that the true laws of dialectics are to be found already in Hegel, in a mystic form, however. The problem is to divest them of this form. [Marx to Dietzgen, 09 May 1868]. Marx wrote, yet again, in 1875, seven years later, and eight years before his death, in 1883, that once he had finished with the 'Economics', he intended to write on the subject of dialectics [Marx to Dietzgen, Dec. 1875]. In the event, Marx did not live to write his Dialectics. However, at long last, a collective author, F.E.D. [Foundation Encyclopedia Dialectica], may have taken the first giant step toward filling the gap that Marx's early demise, and Engel's incomplete Dialectics of Nature manuscript, left open ever since. A new book has just been released by Foundation Encyclopedia Dialectica [F.E.D.], entitled -- A Dialectical Theory of Everything -- Meta-Genealogies of the Universe and of Its Sub-Universes: A Graphical Manifesto. -- see: _http://www.adventures-in-dialectics.org/Adventures-In-Dialectics/Adventures -In-Dialectics-entry.htm_ (http://www.adventures-in-dialectics.org/Adventures-In-Dialectics/Adventures-In-Dialectics-entry.htm) I could be wrong on this one, of course, but I think it may accomplish, for Platonian, Hegelian, and [especially] Marxian Dialectic, +, at long last, what Boole did for Aristotelian syllogistic, +, formal logic with his 1847 The Mathematical Analysis of Logic, and with his 1854 Investigation of the Laws of Thought! Here's the text from the front and back flaps of the dust cover jacket [modified for this list's typography] -- A Dialectical Theory of Everything — Meta-Genealogies of the Universe and of Its Sub-Universes: A Graphical Manifesto. Volume 0: Foundations [Edition 0 – December 2010, from F.E.D. Press] This initial volume, Volume 0, sets forth the foundations of F.E.D.'s dialectical-mathematical model of everything. Synthesizing ancient themes of dialectic, autokinesis, and 'self-refluxivity' ['karmicity'], with modern themes of logical and set-theoretical paradox as self-reflexivity, and of integro-differential equation nonlinearity, evoked via both occidental and oriental sources from antiquity, and via modern developments in natural/social science, and in mathematics, this initial volume lays out foundations for a unified theory of dialectic. Foundations presented include a unification of the traditions of Platonian and Hegelian dialectic, and the discovery, for the first time in human history, of a rich and versatile 'mathematics of dialectic'. This new 'mathematics of dialectic' is utilized to derive a seventeen-symbol equation, which models, qualitatively [via ontological categories], the dialectical self-evolutions,and 'self-meta-evolutions', of our kosmos as a totality, which also predicts a next major self-development of this kosmos , and which summarizes the dialectical theory of everything that gives this work its title. A dialectical, 'ideo-ontological' categorial progression of systems of generally 'qualo-quantitative', dialectical arithmetics, are modeled, using the second system in that progression, its first explicitly dialectical system, starting from Natural Numbers, or N, arithmetic, as purely-quantitative [implicitly-dialectical] first system. The second system is a 'purely-qualitative' [purely ontological], non-standard model of N arithmetic [i.e., the first four, first order Peano Postulates hold for this system as well as for the N system], with a 'contra-Boolean' algebra, founded upon a hitherto-unnoticed, strong negation of Boole's Fundamental Law of [formal-logical] Thought. Volume 1: Geneses [forthcoming, from F.E.D. Press] Volume 1 recounts the genesis of the new dialectical mathematics in detail. Volume 2: Dialectical 'Meta-Models' of the 'Human Phenome'
Re: [Marxism] Unionization rate drops to 6.9% in private sector
== Rule #1: YOU MUST clip all extraneous text when replying to a message. == Richard Seymore: Tony Cliff argued that imperialism is central to the strength of reformist political attitudes... With regard to sections within the working class, Cliff's simple argument was that these tended to be more pronounced the weaker the working class is, but are reduced when the workers' standards of living go up... As for myself, I would not use the language of 'privilege', but I would agree with you on the relevance of 'feelings of superiority', or chauvinism. I am the last to deny or 'downplay' the relevant political effects of, say, white supremacy on working class cohesion and strength, which is certainly at the heart of long-term difficulties faced by the US working class for example. It's just not clear to me how theories of 'embourgoisement' or 'labour aristocracy' help with this. Ok, Cliff was and you are very aware of and very against imperialism and chauvinism, but... is there no relation between differentiation in the working class, and opportunism and chauvinism? Haven’t some relations of differentiation been quite stable, for many decades, such as the relative privilege of white workers in the US, Australia and South Africa, defended both by law for a long time as well as exclusivist union practices? Wasn’t the White Australia Policy part of the Laborist mainstream from the 1890s to the 1960s? Wasn’t this mainstream formed in the early 1890s-1900s, shaped not only by the concurrent formation of monopolising capitals and Pacific colonialism, but by the fact that it was largely based on craft unions (as well as farmer and middle class elements), keen to keep women and Chinese out of their trades as well as fight the bosses and use arbitration and protectionism to defend what they understood as their interests? Aren’t the cadres of labo(u)r and social democratic parties and union apparatuses today largely drawn from highly skilled and educated layers of the working class? (For my PhD I conducted focus groups with three Labor branches totaling 25 people, which included one blue collar union organiser, one blue collar worker, and the rest from such layers Large scale surveys of ALP members have shown the same). I’m happy to reject the embourgeoisment concept, as it implies a qualitative transformation of class. But the concept of labour aristocracy, understood in the careful way I’ve put it, can help us discuss these questions. But I repeat I don’t want too be too determinate about it, and that one political expression of skilled, white collar labour in Australia today is the rise of the Greens as a particular type of left social democratic formation, a progressive, if of course partial alternative to the ALP (Greens branches I also interviewed were sociologically quite similar to the Labor branches, and the labour aristocratic/social democratic nature of the Greens is discussed empirically in the brief article I previously linked to as well as an academic article I’m hopefully publishing soon). Also one important material basis I think not just of union decline but also of anti-refugee, anti-Indigenous chauvinism in the last 20 years in Australia was a neoliberal fuelled process of *actual* petty-bourgeoisification of hundreds of thousands of blue collar workers from the early 90s (when Laborist neoliberalism accelerated), due to their jobs being forcibly transformed into self-employed contract relations and the fact that large numbers made redundant through restructuring had little choice but to use their severance to buy a van and tools and set up a business. Cut off from the solidarity of work and union membership they first (on the whole) helped vote Labor out in 1996 and were then prey to the petty-minded suburban-reactionary outlook of John Winston Howard. Send list submissions to: Marxism@lists.econ.utah.edu Set your options at: http://lists.econ.utah.edu/mailman/options/marxism/archive%40mail-archive.com
Re: [Marxism] Vijay Prashad: Crisis, Chains, Change: The American Exception to Marxism
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On Mon, Jan 24, 2011 at 4:33 AM, Greg McDonald gregm...@gmail.com wrote:
I fail to see the relationship between the tea party and the white
working class. Most of the demographic data on the tea party I have
seen, some of it posted on this list, indicates it is primarily a
middle and upper-middle class phenomenon.
Most working class people are working two or three jobs and don't have
time to go to rallies anyway.
Greg McD
From the article:
http://mrzine.monthlyreview.org/2011/prashad240111.html
The Tea http://mrzine.monthlyreview.org/2010/sd210410.html
Partyhttp://mrzine.monthlyreview.org/2010/ds290410.htmlis the
political expression of the fears of the white working class and the
managerial sector. Most of its supporters are older, white, and male. Many
also happen to be Christian fundamentalists.
The new unemployed, who have joined the disposable in a structural sense
but not at all in a subjective sense, are white-collar managerial workers
who inhabit the office parks, answering phones, managing inventory, and
straightening up databases.
It is fairly obvious that you and V. Prashad have different working
definitions of 'the working class'. I agree with you demographically on
where support for the tea party comes from, probably Prashad would too. Of
course the 'middle class' is not a Marxist class definition, not that it
isn't often useful, particularly in a US context. I am somewhat agnostic on
how exactly to define the working class and can see arguments for multiple
definitions depending on context. I take Marx's discussion of 'the
collective worker' in Capital and similar later period texts seriously. How
best to define the working class would no doubt be a long, complex and
interesting discussion. However, I was mostly interested in people thoughts
on that other class, 'the global ruling class'. As I said:
--
One thought. To what extent is the ruling class now 'global'? And what does
this mean for how we think about imperialism and capitalism?
Richard Seymour / Lenin's Tomb recently posted this piece:
http://leninology.blogspot.com/2011/01/global-ruling-class.html
Louis Proyect posted as comment the link to a recent New Atlantic article:
http://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2011/01/the-rise-of-the-new-global-elite/8343
William Robinson's recent piece in Radical Philosophy ('The Global Capital
Leviathan') might also be of interest:
http://www.radicalphilosophy.com/default.asp?channel_id=2187editorial_id=29356
There was some discussion of this a decade ago in the midst of the Global
Justice Movement, in particular discussion was catalyzed by Hardt Negri's
'Empire'. But 'Empire' was hopelessly utopian in outlook and then 9/11
happened and all the talk turned to 'The New Imperialism' and a US attempt
to re-assert hegemony via neo-conservatism, Iraq and Afghanistan, etc. One
gets the feeling now that neo-conservatism was less a sea-change than a
stage in the continuing evolution and deepening of a neo-liberal globalism,
something that has been accelerated by this crisis. I noticed Louis
attempted to have a discussion of imperialism some years ago which never
really got past the 1970s. Where are we now?
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Re: [Marxism] British Irish Politics - anything new?
== Rule #1: YOU MUST clip all extraneous text when replying to a message. == Gary MacLennan wrote: 'The question I am asking myself when reading about Johnson and Balls and Cooper and co is whether there is anything even remotely like a Left impulse in the British Labour Party. I grew up reading about the Bevanite Left and came of age with the Bennites. There were redeeming features about both sets of Leftists. But this shower seems truly repulsive.' The left in the Labour Party has never been so weak. When the leadership contest took place last year, the only credible left-wing candidate, John McDonnell, couldn't even get enough people in the Parliamentary Labour Party to support him to get him on the ballot form. Such is the weakness of the left that the Blairite candidate for party leader, David Miliband, won the highest score amongst individual party members and (I think) members of parliament, and only lost (and only narrowly at that) because of votes from unions affiliated to the party. From what I've been told, many local party branches are pretty much moribund, with long-term members often dropping out of activity or out of membership altogether. Does Ed Miliband represent a shift to the left? A little, but this probably more than anything reflects union leaders disgruntled at the dismissive attitude of the Blairites towards them, despite the fact that union money keeps the party going. Ed Balls is no fool and apparently wanted the last Labour government to adopt a less harsh policy of state budget reduction, but he and most Labour notables oppose the Tories' austerity plans by saying that they would nonetheless cut public expenditure were they in office. It seems that most Labour town and city councils are implementing cuts in jobs and public services, saying that they have no choice. A friend of mine on Hackney Council (Labour-controlled, in East London) told me that only he and a couple of others are not voting for cuts. The union leaders will continue to bankroll Labour even as its councils lay off their members in the hundreds and thousands. Most if not all prominent Labour figures are keeping well away from any anti-cuts campaigns. Ed Miliband said that he sympathised with students demonstrating against education cut-backs and increased fees, but refused publicly to appear at demonstrations. Gary MacL: 'The other item that has captured the media's attention is the phone tapping scandal. Rupert Murdoch's *News of the World* seemingly was tapping the phones of most of Who's Who in Britain. The then editor Coulson has had to resign as Cameron's media advisor. Coulson is referred to as an 'Essex boy. I am not familiar with that expression... I would like to think that the phone tapping scandal could damage Murdoch or the government or someone. But scandals do not seem to do that. They seem primarily to reinforce apolitical cynicism rather than spur on collective action to remedy the fundamental problem.' An Essex Boy is short-hand for street-wise, rather lumpen and definitely dodgy men, often with criminal records or at least connections, very flashy in their behaviour, lots of gold chains, etc. I'm not sure if the old Australian term 'larrikin' is a parallel. Politically they tend to be very right-wing, as they become rich through their sharp dealing and quick wits. Upper-class types tend to look down on them as uncouth, but useful if they can arrange deals through their connections. They will always be sacrificed should they become an embarrassment or they are no longer useful. Coulson comes under the first category: but this could be a slip on David Cameron's part, as Murdoch could get his revenge easily enough, he must have masses of dirt on the Tories. What puzzles quite a few people here is the apparent inactivity of the police in the phone-tapping affair. They have masses of information, but only a couple of cases have been taken up. One theory is that the police use these unofficial taps for their own use; another is that Murdoch's press has juicy information on leading policemen. I don't know, we'll only learn if the whole thing blows up. It's often asked why Murdoch has so much power in a country in which he is not resident; it does seem that politicians and other notables are actually scared of him. And that's why I feel the phone-tapping scandal will fade away. I'll leave Ireland to someone who knows something about it. Paul F Send list submissions to: Marxism@lists.econ.utah.edu Set your options at: http://lists.econ.utah.edu/mailman/options/marxism/archive%40mail-archive.com
Re: [Marxism] British Irish Politics - anything new?
== Rule #1: YOU MUST clip all extraneous text when replying to a message. == Thanks Paul. Your remarks on the British Labour Party could be applied equally to the Australian Labor Party. Gawd alone knows how one should characterize the Irish version. The last three and more decades of the ruling class offensive have wrecked havoc on the moderates - liberals and social democrats. Anyone whose politics included any sort of deal with the ruling class has been either pulled to the Right or driven into atomisation, demoralisation and despair as has capitalism has become a zero-sum game. When the great slumbering giant that is the working class finally works out that it must protest to survive then we will have a different politics. comradely Gary Send list submissions to: Marxism@lists.econ.utah.edu Set your options at: http://lists.econ.utah.edu/mailman/options/marxism/archive%40mail-archive.com
[Marxism] Protest FBI repression January 25
== Rule #1: YOU MUST clip all extraneous text when replying to a message. == http://202.38.194.245/hgschool/indexfive/indexEducation.do?op=listid=192schoolFlagId=11CLEVELAND, OHIO On Tuesday, January 25, there will be a picket line at the Federal Building, E. 9 and Lakeside, downtown Cleveland. The action will take place from 4:30 pm until 5:00 pm. It is part of a nationwide effort to protest FBI harassment of anti-war organizations and Pro-Palestine activists. There are coordinated events in over 35 cities in the United States called by the Committee to Stop FBI Repression. -- Comradely, Jay Rothermel Send list submissions to: Marxism@lists.econ.utah.edu Set your options at: http://lists.econ.utah.edu/mailman/options/marxism/archive%40mail-archive.com
[Marxism] Re Protest FBI repression January 25
== Rule #1: YOU MUST clip all extraneous text when replying to a message. == corrected link [sorry] http://www.stopfbi.net/take-action/2010/12/31/jan-25-take-action-protest-fbi-and-grand-jury-repressionhttps://webmail.east.cox.net/do/redirect?url=http%253A%252F%252Fwww.stopfbi.net%252Ftake-action%252F2010%252F12%252F31%252Fjan-25-take-action-protest-fbi-and-grand-jury-repression -- Comradely, Jay Rothermel Send list submissions to: Marxism@lists.econ.utah.edu Set your options at: http://lists.econ.utah.edu/mailman/options/marxism/archive%40mail-archive.com
[Marxism] National Review on socialism
== Rule #1: YOU MUST clip all extraneous text when replying to a message. == http://www.nationalreview.com/articles/257302/socialism-back-kevin-d-williamson?page=1 -- Comradely, Jay Rothermel Send list submissions to: Marxism@lists.econ.utah.edu Set your options at: http://lists.econ.utah.edu/mailman/options/marxism/archive%40mail-archive.com
[Marxism] Translation: Spectres and the present
== Rule #1: YOU MUST clip all extraneous text when replying to a message. == From new Cuba blog Cuba's Socialist Renewal http://cubasocialistrenewal.blogspot.com To sign up as a follower or receive email updates click link above This commentary by Luis Sexto needs little introduction. It gives a feel for the mood of the country as it faces up to difficult and disagreeable adjustments to a patchwork of the valid, the harmful and the obsolete. Link to translation: http://cubasocialistrenewal.blogspot.com/2011/01/translation-spectres-and-present.html Send list submissions to: Marxism@lists.econ.utah.edu Set your options at: http://lists.econ.utah.edu/mailman/options/marxism/archive%40mail-archive.com
[Marxism] Hugo Chavez - Letter from Yare prison, 1993
== Rule #1: YOU MUST clip all extraneous text when replying to a message. == http://venezuelatranslatingtherevolution.blogspot.com/2011/01/hugo-chavez-letter-from-yare-prison.html Send list submissions to: Marxism@lists.econ.utah.edu Set your options at: http://lists.econ.utah.edu/mailman/options/marxism/archive%40mail-archive.com
