http://www.ichblog.eu/content/view/424/2/
Pre-Emptive Strike Against Chirac

Wednesday, 07 February 2007
Frenzy in France Over "Iranian Threat"

By Diana Johnstone

For a long time, there has been an unwritten law that only Jews (at 
risk of being called "self-hating") may criticize Zionism. But things 
have gone too far. This aggressive paranoia of Israel is not just a 
"Jewish question", it is dragging the whole world into disaster.
 
02/07/06 "Counterpunch" --- - Four years ago, French President 
Jacques Chirac saw the Iraq disaster looming and openly warned 
against it. It was by far the best thing he ever did in his political 
life, and he is not to be allowed to do it again.

Today another, potentially even greater disaster is looming as Israel 
and the United States ostentatiously prepare to bomb Iran on the 
pretext of preventing "a second holocaust". But this time around 
there is a curious absence of the public opposition and mass protest 
demonstrations that preceded the 2003 invasion of Iraq.

It is as though the enormity of events and the comforts of daily life 
have caused the Western world to give up thinking about grave matters 
and to take refuge in officially inspected and approved platitudes. 
Debate is replaced by an alarm system that sends up cries of scandal 
at any deviation from the accepted discourse.

In France, where people pay a lot of attention to words, the 
denunciation of verbal heresy even goes so far as enacting laws 
punishing politically incorrect speech.

But the more commonplace type of censorship was illustrated this week 
by an essentially trivial incident. During a presidential press 
briefing at the Elysée palace devoted to the Paris conference on 
climate change, a New York Times journalist changed the subject to 
ask the French President about the Iranian nuclear threat. Chirac 
began with the standard official "International Community" line, 
namely that Tehran's refusal to give up its uranium enrichment 
program was "very dangerous". But then, Chirac (thinking, he 
explained later, that he was speaking off the record) gave in to the 
temptation to speak honestly. For Iran to have a nuclear weapon was 
not really so dangerous, he said. To make his point, he asked 
rhetorically what good it would do Iran to have a nuclear bomb, or 
even two. "Where would it fire that bomb? At Israel? It wouldn't have 
traveled 200 meters through the atmosphere before Tehran would be 
razed."

The real danger was nuclear proliferation, he added.

Chirac even went so far as to suggest that Iran had a motive for its 
nuclear research, including its fear of being "challenged or 
threatened by the international community. And the international 
community, who is that? It's the United States."

The alarm bells went off. The "scandal" of Chirac's politically 
incorrect remarks was the top front page news story in both U.S. and 
French newspapers.

In themselves, Chirac's remarks hardly merited such a fuss. But the 
reaction was significant.

First of all, it showed that the French President, a lame duck in the 
midst of an election campaign to replace him, is too isolated to be 
able to oppose war against Iran as he opposed war against Iraq. The 
media are there to shoot him down before he gets off the ground, 
first of all the newspapers that continue to enjoy the label 
"leftist", "left-leaning" or "center-left" -- mainly Libération and 
Le Monde -- but which in reality have become the guardians of 
Atlanticist orthodoxy (devotion to a "European unity" closely tied to 
the United States). Chirac's own political party was snatched away 
from him by his ambitious enemy Nicolas Sarkozy, who has publicly 
criticized Chirac's departure from the American fold over the war 
against Iraq. Sarkozy's demonstrations of devotion to Washington and 
Tel Aviv have won him the enthusiastic support of the organized 
Jewish community, increasingly inspired by the U.S. pro-Israel lobby.

Deeply distrustful of Gaullism, the French Jewish community has 
traditionally been close to the Socialists. It was indeed a Socialist 
government whose secret cooperation with Israel's nuclear program was 
discovered, and terminated, by de Gaulle when he took office in 1958. 
But Ségolene Royal was not the Socialist Party candidate favored by 
major Jewish organizations (they preferred the very pro-Israel 
Dominique Strauss-Kahn) and will have a hard time competing with 
Sarkozy for their favors on the Middle East issue, even though she 
has declared that Iran has "no right" not only to a nuclear bomb, but 
even to civilian nuclear power plants.

The Socialists can find nothing better to do than to crow over 
Chirac's "blunder". The French left in general has never seen the 
point of supporting Chirac's action in keeping France out of the Iraq 
quagmire. From the viewpoint of the sectarian left (and the French 
left, in its countless splinters, is incurably sectarian), what 
matters is not to do the right thing but to do whatever one does for 
the right motives -- and a conservative politician like Chirac is by 
definition incapable of doing anything for the right motives.

Four years ago, there were huge demonstrations against the impending 
war against Iraq. Today, as Israel and the United States gear up to 
attack Iran, nothing.

Four years ago, the German Chancellor was Social Democrat Gerhard 
Schroeder who did the right thing, for whatever motives, so that the 
core of "old Europe" (Germany, France and Belgium) was able to take a 
united stand against the U.S. war plans. Today, the German Chancellor 
is Angela Merkel, who is as devoted to Washington as she was to 
Moscow when she began her political career in East Germany before the 
wall came down.


No debate on Iran

Not only is there no audible or visible movement of opposition to war 
against Iran, there is no real debate or discussion that does not 
rest on the officially approved assumption that Iran's nuclear 
program is a "threat". If there were such a discussion, it could 
include reference to the following elements:

1. Possible Iranian motives for nuclear development other than 
unleashing a holocaust. These would be similar to those of the late 
Shah of Iran, an ally of Israel, who was eager to develop nuclear 
power. Iran might well wish to use its oil revenues to prepare for 
power needs once the oil boom is over. This is all the more plausible 
amid recent reports of declining output in the Iranian oil industry. 
And today, faced with global warming, nuclear power, like it or not, 
can be defended as ecological.

2. The role of nuclear deterrence. Chirac's remarks were merely a 
reminder of France's own nuclear defense doctrine: deterrence. The 
old Cold War doctrine of "mutually assured destruction" (MAD) was 
never a popular favorite, but it nevertheless worked. Since Israel 
possesses a considerable nuclear arsenal, if Iran had nuclear weapons 
too, Israel would lose its advantage, but the result would reasonably 
be merely another case of mutual deterrence. That is what Chirac was 
driving at. But this cannot be discussed.

3. The significance of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's "threats to 
Israel". This has two sides, the actual meaning of Ahmadinejad's 
words, and the way they are exploited by Israel and its champions.

(1) The first part has been thoroughly analyzed by the Iranian artist 
Arash Norouzi, a political opponent of Ahmadinejad, on his web site 
The Mossadegh Project. The statement and its word for word English 
translation are as follows:

"Imam (Khomeiny) ghoft (said) een (this) rezhim-e (regime) 
ishghalgar-e (occupying) qods (Jerusalem) bayad (must) az safheh-ye 
ruzgar (from page of time) mahv shavad (vanish from)."

So, Ahmadinejad was quoting a statement made by his mentor Imam 
Khomeiny, who died in 1989 without ever lifting a finger to destroy 
Israel. It should be obvious that the statement is an opinion, not a 
threat, and addresses not the people who live in Israel but the 
Zionist "regime" which occupies Jerusalem. Coming from a Muslim 
religious leader, this opinion is doubtless based on objection to 
Jewish monopoly of a city considered holy by all three of the Abramic 
monotheisms.

Ahmadinejad seems to enjoy verbal provocation, but words, however 
offensive, are only words. The fact is that Iran has not attacked 
another country in over 250 years and shows no interest in doing so. 
As for the United States and Israel...

(2) Now to the second part: the receiving end of these "threats". 
Ahmadinejad is portrayed as the latest "Hitler" determined to wipe 
poor little Israel off the map in order to kill all the Jews and 
then, who knows, conquer the world. A little bit more uranium 
enrichment, and we'll all be dead.

It is difficult to believe that anyone takes this seriously, but just 
about everyone in public life in the West feels obliged to act as if 
this were real.

Why?

A cynical answer could be that U.S. and Israeli leaders are looking 
for another pretext to start another war aimed at renovating the 
Middle East in ways that ensure eternal control of petroleum 
resources as well as the regional supremacy of Israel as the only 
country in the neighborhood still left intact.


A dangerous persecution complex

This may be a factor, but there is another factor, less material and 
more psychological, that increasingly invades political life in 
Europe and the United States: a certain spreading pathology of 
persecution in what is called "the Jewish community", meaning a part 
of the Jewish population, and in particular the organizations that 
claim to represent it. The Jewish population of France, which has 
played an important role in the country's intellectual, economic and 
political life for centuries, has been shifting politically from the 
left to the right, mainly because of its attachment to Israel. Given 
the community's vitality and influence, this has an impact on the 
political life of the country as a wholeThis mutation is noticeable 
at all levels of society. It is a cause for concern among many who do 
not dare to mention it, for fear of being stigmatized as 
anti-Semitic. But is it "anti-Semitism" to try to tell Jewish people 
that they are not hated, that they are appreciated and even loved, 
and that the notion that non-Jews are just waiting for the next 
opportunity to exterminate them is both unjust to others and harmful 
to themselves?

The hysteria over Iran, which may lead to a disastrous war that will 
be lost by everyone, reminiscent of the First World War of 1914-1918, 
is visibly fed by the dominance within the Jewish community, and 
indeed beyond it in the West as a whole, of the "duty of memory", 
meaning, to be precise, a constant, repetitive recollection of the 
holocaust as the defining moment of the twentieth century, and 
perhaps even of human history.

It is enough to attend a meeting of moderate, middle class Parisian 
Jews to perceive this transformation. The same sort of educated, 
well-to-do people who not so long ago were at the forefront of 
universal social concern, are now centering their political 
preferences on the question: what is best for Israel? The terrible 
irony is that the more brutal Israel's policies become, provoking 
growing hostility to Israel, the more these good people feel not only 
that they must defend Israel tooth and nail, but that every criticism 
of Israel is a threat against themselves.

This is dividing French society itself. The vast majority of the 
non-immigrant French population, especially on the left, feel close 
to Jewish friends, admire the many outstanding Jewish people in all 
fields, consider Jewish people so much a part of France that they 
usually neither know nor care who is Jewish and who is not -- and if 
ever they retain an atavistic trace of ancestral anti-Semitism, this 
is extinguished by reminders of guilt for the holocaust.

Reminders of guilt abound. As a recent example, although the majority 
of French Jewish children were saved from Nazi deportation, plaques 
are being placed on schools as a reminder of the number of Jewish 
children who were deported. In these same schools, the commemorations 
of the annual holocaust day become increasingly elaborate.

What is the effect on the children? This sets Jewish children apart 
in a way that is likely to give them a sense of insecurity and 
distrust. As for the children of immigrants from African and Arab 
countries, this stimulates an unhealthy competition in victimism. The 
reflection is almost inevitable: so Jews suffered over sixty years 
ago, but today, Arabs are suffering in Palestine and in Iraq, and who 
cares? Why are some people eternal victims while others don't count?

As the official Jewish community has moved to the right, the right 
has moved toward the community. On the far right, the "vieille 
France" candidate Philippe de Villiers attempts to outdo Jean-Marie 
Le Pen by denouncing "the Islamization of France" and ardently 
courting the Jewish community, whose right wing also benefits from 
the flattering attentions of Le Pen's daughter and possible successor 
Marine. Such positioning stimulates anti-Jewish resentment among 
immigrant youth in the disinherited banlieues. One form of paranoia 
leads to another.


What is the danger?

To get back to the supposed threat to Israel from Iran, a most 
interesting comment from Israeli Deputy Defense minister Ephraim Sneh 
was cited by Seymour Hersh in his November 21, 2006 piece in The New 
Yorker on the possibility of a U.S. attack on Iran. Expressing 
skepticism about the possibility of influencing Iran by diplomatic 
means, Sneh said:

"The danger isn't as much Ahmadinejad's deciding to launch an attack 
but Israel's living under a dark cloud of fear from a leader 
committed to its destruction... Most Israelis would prefer not to 
live here; most Jews would prefer not to come here with families, and 
Israelis who live can live abroad will... I am afraid Ahmadinejad 
will be able to kill the Zionist dream without pushing a button."

This is truly an amazing statement that deserves careful attention. 
The Israeli official is suggesting that a war should be launched 
against a country, not because of what it may do, but because the 
fear of what it may do risks "killing the Zionist dream". This 
suggests that the fear of another holocaust, which has been the main 
argument for Zionism for half a century, is turning around to destroy 
Zionism itself.

But are we to plunge the world into war to "save the Zionist dream"? 
Isn't there some other way for Jews to live in the world without fear 
of genocide? Indeed, hasn't Zionist Israel become the greatest threat 
to Jews, by attaching them to the fate of a brutal state which is 
arousing the growing indignation of the world by its treatment of the 
Palestinians?

For a long time, there has been an unwritten law that only Jews (at 
risk of being called "self-hating") may criticize Zionism. But things 
have gone too far. This aggressive paranoia of Israel is not just a 
"Jewish question", it is dragging the whole world into disaster. 
Those of us who are not Jewish also have to speak up and say to our 
Jewish friends:

"We don't want to kill you, but we don't want to die for your Jewish 
State either. We are all human beings, and we refuse to plunge the 
world into war to preserve distinctions of identity that may mean a 
lot to you, but don't mean much of anything to us."

Diana Johnstone lives in Paris. She can be reached at 
[EMAIL PROTECTED] 


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