http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/article16039.htm

The case for Iran

Alarmist assessments of Iran's nuclear program lack a key component: evidence.

By M. Javad Zarif, M. JAVAD ZARIF is the Iranian ambassador to the 
United Nations.

12/30/06 "Los Angeles Times " -- -- WHEN THE U.N. Security Council 
was forced to convene on the Saturday before Christmas to vote on 
Resolution 1737 - against Iran's nuclear program - it was only 
natural to ask what the urgency was.

Iran had not attacked or threatened to use force against any member 
of the United Nations; in fact, Iran has not attacked any country for 
more than two centuries. Iran was not on the verge of building a 
nuclear weapon. To the contrary, as a study released this week by the 
National Academy of Sciences concludes, Iran needs nuclear energy in 
spite of its oil and gas reserves.

At the same time, Iran has categorically rejected the development, 
stockpiling and use of nuclear weapons on both ideological and 
strategic grounds. It has remained committed to the Nuclear 
Nonproliferation Treaty - which it ratified in 1970 - and was even 
prepared to provide guarantees that it would never withdraw from the 
treaty.

All of Iran's nuclear facilities have been inspected by the 
International Atomic Energy Agency. Iran has stated its readiness to 
place them under an even more stringent regime, as it did from 
December 2003 to February 2006, when more than 2,000 person-days of 
scrutiny resulted in repeated statements by the IAEA that there was 
no evidence of a weapons program. As IAEA Director-General Mohamed 
ElBaradei recently said, "A lot of what you see about Iran right now 
is assessment of intentions."

Many such assessments have been produced by the intelligence agencies 
of governments with agendas hostile toward Iran. They are, as a 
result, misleading. For instance, a draft National Intelligence 
Estimate by the CIA in 1992 concluded that Iran could develop a 
nuclear weapon by 2000. The Israelis have been saying for many years 
that Iran will pass the "point of no return" within six months or 
less.

But even these alarmist assessments concede that there is no actual 
evidence that Iran is trying to build a nuclear weapon and that, even 
if it wanted to do so, it would not be capable of developing one 
before 2010 or 2015.

So: no urgency, no imminent threat. The real reason for the 
pre-Christmas meeting was to take advantage of a more favorable 
Security Council composition - before new members arrive on Jan. 1 - 
and impose sanctions on Iran.

The sanctions aim to punish Iran for refusing to suspend its peaceful 
and legal uranium enrichment activities. However, suspension is not a 
solution in itself; it can only provide time to search for one. A 
stopgap suspension was already in place for two years, while Iran 
engaged in negotiations. But over the last three years, the United 
States and its European allies have never proposed any long-term 
solution other than insisting on an indefinite suspension of Iran's 
enrichment activities.

In contrast, my country has proposed real alternatives to ensure that 
its civilian nuclear program will remain exclusively and indefinitely 
peaceful:

* On March 23, 2005, Iran offered a comprehensive and far-reaching 
package to France, Germany and Britain, including national 
legislation to permanently ban developing or using nuclear weapons, 
technical guarantees against proliferation and unprecedented, 
around-the-clock IAEA inspections. It also envisaged relations of 
mutual respect and cooperation in a wide range of economic, political 
and counter-terrorism areas. Despite their initial enthusiasm, the 
Europeans refused to engage in negotiations on that package, 
insisting instead on indefinite suspension, apparently because of 
U.S. objections.

* On July 18, 2005, Iran offered to allow the IAEA "to develop an 
optimized arrangement on numbers, monitoring mechanism and other 
specifics" for an initial, limited operation at the Natanz uranium 
enrichment facility, "which would address our needs and allay [their] 
concerns." The offer was not even considered.

* On Sept. 17, 2005, Iran expressed its readiness to engage in 
serious partnerships with private and public sectors of other 
countries for uranium enrichment in Iran "in order to provide the 
greatest degree of transparency." Again, the offer was rebuffed.

* On March 30, 2006, Iran proposed establishing regional consortia 
for fuel-cycle development with countries inside and outside the 
region, with joint ownership and division of labor based on the 
expertise of the participants. No one cared to respond to this 
proposal.

* During the September and October 2006 talks between Iranian nuclear 
negotiators and the European Union, Iran proposed an international 
consortium, an offer that was initially considered very promising by 
the Europeans but then was rapidly rejected as insufficient. Once 
again, they insisted instead on suspension.

These offers were exact replicas of the IAEA's main proposals on 
multinational fuel activities, including enrichment, published Feb. 
22, 2005. Iran's readiness to implement them presents a unique 
opportunity not only to remove concerns about our fuel-cycle 
activities but also to strengthen the Nonproliferation Treaty by 
providing a model for other countries with similar enrichment 
programs. No other country with similar technology has been prepared 
to be as flexible as Iran.

Neither suspension nor sanctions can achieve the stated objective of 
ensuring nonproliferation because Iran has now been compelled to 
develop nuclear technology on its own. As many nonproliferation 
experts have already pointed out, in countries with Iran's level of 
technological achievement, only engagement, transparency and 
international monitoring can provide assurances of nonproliferation.

Iran remains eager to dispel any doubts. It is not too late to reach 
an agreement on meaningful measures that can serve our common 
objective of limiting the proliferation of nuclear weapons.

Copyright 2006 Los Angeles Times


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