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Business

Redesigning Corporate Law

Robert Hinkley

from Resurgence issue 213
July / August 2002

AFTER TWENTY-THREE years advising large corporations on securities 
offerings, mergers and acquisitions, I left my position because I was 
disturbed by the game. I realized that the many social ills created 
by corporations stem directly from corporate law. It dawned on me 
that the law, in its current form, actually inhibits executives and 
corporations from being socially responsible. So in June 2000 I 
decided to devote the next phase of my life to making people aware of 
this problem. My goal is to build consensus to change the law so that 
it encourages good corporate citizenship rather than inhibiting it.

The provision in the law I am talking about is the one that says that 
the purpose of the corporation is simply to make money for 
shareholders.

Distilled to its essence, it says that the people who run 
corporations have a legal duty to shareholders, and that duty is to 
make money. Failing this duty can leave directors and officers open 
to being sued by shareholders.

This explains why corporations find social issues such as human 
rights irrelevant - because they fall outside the corporation's legal 
mandate. Secondly, these provisions explain why executives behave 
differently than they might as individual citizens, because the law 
says their only obligation in business is to make money.

This design has the unfortunate side effect of largely eliminating 
personal responsibility. Directors and officers know that their jobs, 
salaries, bonuses and stock options depend on delivering profits for 
shareholders. Companies believe that their duty to the public 
interest consists in complying with the law. Obeying the law is 
simply a cost. Since it interferes with making money, it must be 
minimized - using devices like lobbying, legal hair-splitting and 
jurisdiction shopping. Directors and officers give little thought to 
the fact that these activities may damage the public interest.

Lower-level employees know that their livelihoods depend upon 
satisfying superiors' demands to make money. They have no incentive 
to offer ideas that would advance the public interest unless they 
increase profits. Projects that would serve the public interest - but 
at a financial cost to the corporation - are considered naive.

Corporate law thus casts ethical and social concerns as irrelevant, 
or as stumbling blocks to the corporation's fundamental mandate. 
That's the effect the law has inside the corporation. Outside the 
corporation the effect is more devastating. It is the law that leads 
corporations to actively disregard harm to all interests other than 
those of shareholders. When toxic chemicals are spilled, forests 
destroyed, employees left in poverty, or communities devastated 
through plant shutdowns, corporations view these as unimportant side 
effects outside their area of concern. But when the company's stock 
price dips, that's a disaster. The reason is that, in our legal 
framework, a low stock price leaves a company vulnerable to takeover 
or means the ceo's job could be at risk.

In the end, the natural result is that the corporate bottom line goes 
up, and the state of the public good goes down. This is called 
privatizing the gain and externalizing the cost.

This system design helps explain why the war against corporate abuse 
is being lost, despite decades of effort by thousands of 
organizations. Until now, tactics used to confront corporations have 
focussed on where and how much companies should be allowed to damage 
the public interest, rather than eliminating the reason they do it. 
When public interest groups protest a new power plant, mercury 
poisoning, or a new big store, the groups don't examine the 
corporations' motives. They only seek to limit where damage is 
created (not in our back yard) and how much damage is created (a 
little less please).

But the where-and-how-much approach is reactive, not proactive. Even 
when corporations are defeated in particular battles, they go on the 
next day, in other ways and other places, to pursue their own private 
interests at the expense of the public.

I believe that the battle against corporate abuse should be conducted 
in a more holistic way. We must enquire why corporations behave as 
they do, and look for a way to change these underlying motives. Once 
we have arrived at a viable systemic solution, we should then dictate 
the terms of engagement to corporations, not continue letting them 
dictate terms to us.

We must remember that corporations were invented to serve humankind. 
Humankind was not invented to serve corporations.

Many activists cast the fundamental issue as one of 'corporate 
greed', but that's off the mark. Corporations are incapable of a 
human emotion like greed. They are artificial beings created by law. 
The real question is why corporations behave as if they are greedy. 
The answer lies in the design of corporate law.

WE CAN CHANGE that design. We can make corporations more responsible 
to the public good by amending the law that says the pursuit of 
profit takes precedence over the public interest. I believe this can 
best be achieved by changing corporate law to make directors 
personally responsible for harms done.

Let me give you a sense of how director responsibility works in the 
current system. Under federal securities laws, directors are held 
personally liable for false and misleading statements made in 
prospectuses used to sell securities. If a corporate prospectus 
contains a material falsehood and investors suffer damage as a 
result, investors can sue each director personally to recover the 
damage. Believe me, this provision grabs the attention of company 
directors. They spend hours reviewing drafts of a prospectus to 
ensure it complies with the law. Similarly, everyone who works on the 
prospectus knows that directors' personal wealth is at stake, so they 
too take great care with accuracy.

That's an example of how corporate behaviour changes when directors 
are held personally responsible. Everyone in the corporation improves 
their game to meet the challenge. Since the potential penalties are 
so severe, directors err on the side of caution. While this has not 
eliminated securities fraud, it has over the years reduced it to an 
infinitesimal percentage of the total capital raised.

I propose that corporate law be changed in a similar manner - to make 
individuals responsible for seeing that the pursuit of profit does 
not damage the public interest.

To pave the way for such a change, we must challenge the myth that 
making profits and protecting the public interest are mutually 
exclusive goals. The same was once said about profits and product 
quality, before Japanese manufacturers taught us otherwise. If we 
force companies to respect the public interest while they make money, 
business people will figure out how to do both.

The specific change I suggest is simple: add twenty-six words to 
corporate law and thus create what I call the 'Code for Corporate 
Citizenship'. Directors and officers would still have a duty to make 
money for shareholders,

Š but not at the expense of the environment, human rights, the public 
safety, the communities in which the corporation operates or the 
dignity of its employees.

This simple amendment would make individuals responsible for the 
damage companies cause to the public interest, and would be enforced 
in much the same way as securities laws are now. Negligent failure to 
abide by the code would result in the corporation, its directors and 
its officers being liable for the full amount of the damage they 
cause. In addition to civil liability, the Attorney General would 
have the right to criminally prosecute intentional acts. Injunctive 
relief - which stops specific behaviours while the legal process 
proceeds - would also be available.

Compliance would be in the self-interest of both individuals and the 
company. No one wants to see personal assets subject to a lawsuit. 
Such a prospect would surely temper corporate managers' willingness 
to make money at the expense of the public interest. Similarly, 
investors tend to shy away from companies with contingent 
liabilities, so companies that severely or repeatedly violate the 
Code for Corporate Citizenship might see their stock price fall or 
their access to capital dry up.

MANY WOULD SAY such a code could never be enacted. But they're 
mistaken. I take heart from a 2000 Business Week/Harris poll that 
asked Americans which of the following two propositions they support 
more strongly:


* "Corporations should have only one purpose - to make the most 
profit for their shareholders - and pursuit of that goal will be best 
for America in the long run."
- or -

* "Corporations should have more than one purpose. They also owe 
something to their workers and the communities in which they operate, 
and they should sometimes sacrifice some profit for the sake of 
making things better for their workers and communities."

An overwhelming 95 per cent of Americans chose the second 
proposition. Clearly, this finding tells us that our fate is not 
sealed. When 95 per cent of the public supports a proposition, 
enacting that proposition into law should not be impossible.

If business people resist the notion of legal change, we can remind 
them that corporations exist only because laws allow them to exist. 
Without these laws, owners would be fully responsible for debts 
incurred and damages caused by their businesses. Because the public 
creates the law, corporations owe their existence as much to the 
public as they do to shareholders. They should have obligations to 
both. It simply makes no sense that society's most powerful citizens 
have no concern for the public good.

It also makes no sense to chase endlessly after individual instances 
of corporate wrongdoing, when that wrongdoing is a natural result of 
the system design. Corporations abuse the public interest because the 
law tells them that their only legal duty is to maximize profits for 
shareholders. Until we change the law of corporate governance, the 
problem of corporate abuse can never fully be solved.

First published in Business Ethics, January/February 2002.

Robert Hinkley, previously a corporate securities attorney, lives in 
Brooklin, Maine, USA. [EMAIL PROTECTED]

from Resurgence issue 213


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