[Ugnet] TONIGHT WE REVIEW THE HISTORY OF DEMOCRATIC SUPPRESSION OF BLACKS

[Herrn Mulindwa Edward]

The ugly history of Democratic suppression of blacks


Bill Federer recounts constant attempts to subjugate, oppress African-Americans


By Bill Federer   

 



In 1857, the Supreme Court, with seven of the nine justices being Democrat, 
decided that Dred Scott was not a citizen, but property. Chief Justice Roger 
Taney, appointed by Democrat President Andrew Jackson, referenced in his 
decision that slaves were "so far inferior ... that the Negro might justly and 
lawfully be reduced to slavery for their own benefit."

After the Civil War, Republicans pushed through the 13th Amendment, adopted 
Dec. 6, 1865, officially abolishing slavery in America. Once Southern Democrats 
were forced to free their slaves, they effectively attempted to re-enslave them 
by passing "black codes" and "Jim Crow" laws, which required former slaves to 
be "apprenticed" to "employers" and punished those who left.

On Nov. 22, 1865, Republicans denounced Mississippi's Democrat legislature for 
enacting "black codes," which institutionalized racial discrimination, even 
stating: "No freedman, Negro, or mulatto shall carry or keep firearms or 
ammunition."

On Feb. 5, 1866, Republican Rep. Thaddeus Stevens introduced legislation to 
give former slaves "40 acres and a mule," but Democrats opposed it, led by 
President Andrew Johnson. On April 9, 1866, Republicans in Congress overrode 
President Johnson's veto and passed the Civil Rights Act of 1866, conferring 
rights of citizenship on freed slaves.

To force Southern states to extend state citizenship rights to former slaves, 
Republicans in the U.S. House passed the 14th Amendment, May 10, 1866, as did 
the Senate, June 8, 1866. One hundred percent of Democrats voted against it.

The 14th Amendment was adopted by the states on July 28, 1868.

Republican Rep. John Farnsworth of Illinois stated, March 31, 1871: "The reason 
for the adoption (of the 14th Amendment) ... was because of ... discriminating 
... legislation of those states ... by which they were punishing one class of 
men under different laws from another class."

Along with "Jim Crow" laws, Southern Democrats attempted to keep former slaves 
from voting. On Jan. 8, 1867, Republicans granted voting rights to former 
slaves in the District of Columbia by overriding President Andrew Johnson's 
veto. On July 19, 1867, Republicans passed more legislation protecting voting 
rights of all freed slaves after overriding again President Andrew Johnson's 
veto. On March 30, 1868, Republicans began impeachment proceedings of President 
Andrew Johnson.

On Sept. 12, 1868, Democrats in Georgia's Senate expelled civil rights activist 
Tunis Campbell and 24 other Republican African-Americans, who would later be 
reinstated by a Republican Congress. On Oct. 22, 1868, while campaigning for 
re-election, Republican Rep. James Hinds was assassinated by Democrats who had 
organized vigilante groups.

The 15th Amendment, granting the right to vote to all men regardless of race, 
was passed Feb. 3, 1870, overcoming 97 percent Democrat opposition. Once 
Southern Democrats could no longer keep former slaves from voting, they 
attempted to intimidate them through KKK-type vigilante activities and 
lynchings.

Republican President U.S. Grant signed the Enforcement Act, May 31, 1870, which 
imposed stiff penalties for depriving any American of their civil rights. The 
Republican Congress, June 22, 1870, created the U.S. Department of Justice to 
safeguard civil rights against Democrats in the South. The Republican Congress 
passed another Enforcement Act, Feb. 28, 1871, which provided federal 
protection for black voters.

The Republican Congress enacted the Ku Klux Klan Act, April 20, 1871, outlawing 
Democrat-affiliated groups which oppressed African-Americans. On October 10, 
1871, African-American Republican civil rights leader Octavius Catto was 
murdered by a Democratic Party operative, after repeated threats by 
Philadelphia Democrats against black voting. Republican President Ulysses S. 
Grant deployed U.S. troops on October 18, 1871, to combat violence against 
African-Americans.

Republican President Theodore Roosevelt stated Dec. 3, 1906: "White men are 
lynched, but the crime is peculiarly frequent in respect to black men. ... 
Governor Candler, of Georgia, stated ... 'I can say of a verity that I have, 
within the last month, saved the lives of half a dozen innocent Negroes who 
were pursued by the mob, and brought them to trial in a court of law in which 
they were acquitted.' As Bishop Galloway, of Mississippi, has finely said: 'The 
mob lynches a Negro charged with rape will in a little while lynch a white man 
suspected of crime. Every Christian patriot in America needs to lift up his 
voice in loud and eternal protest against the mob spirit that is threatening 
the integrity of this Republic. ...'"

Republican President Theodore Roosevelt continued: "There is but one safe rule 
... that 

[Ugnet] A lot of diasporas aren't interested in politics back home!

[Herrn Mulindwa Edward]

Friends

 

As this thread continues, those of you reading it need to understand the  
Uganda the WBKs left us, and that Uganda is the Uganda of 1970. Look closely at 
the discussion about that country, it holds a huge hole between 1962 and 1970, 
why no one discusses it? What exactly happened in Uganda after we got 
independence? For some very unknown reason, when Uganda history is discussed we 
talk about gaining independence, but as soon as that Kololo function ended it 
seems Uganda got off earth, and then it resurrected in 1979. And that is 
because since 1979 we have remained in the very same government to today.

 

WBK wrote all about Uganda and what it had, a system that was working, taxes 
collected and the population responsible, so examine that Uganda by 
understanding what we had in 1970. And that is a full 8 years after 
independence, an independence we got with a fully functioning country. By 1970 
Uganda was actually worse than in 1962, we got independence where a certain 
class of Ugandans and their children, got entitled to the national cake, and 
the rest of the country abandoned by our fellow Ugandans. Every national cake 
was nationalized to be streamed to the UPC faithful’s and their children. 

 

Until 1970, it was illegal for a Uganda child to speak Luganda at school, many 
were actually whacked by Uganda teachers for they spoke a Uganda local 
language. In 1970 we had only one national television station, UTV which was 
broadcasting only between 6pm to 11 pm and in only black and white. We had one 
radio station Radio Uganda which was opened only between 6am and closed at 
11pm, we had only one national paper called The Uganda Argus, Luganda news was 
read once at 8pm for 15 minutes,  the entire economy was controlled by Indians, 
to a point that it was illegal for a Ugandan to go to Nairobi and buy a safety 
pin, you needed to get it from a Bandaranaike. And many other services that 
were only controlled by the government. Uganda was still a colony of foreigners 
only that our fellow Ugandans, UPC members, were running it for the foreigners.

 

The current Uganda  you see today, has managed to even survive through the 
Museveni time for it was opened up by Iddi Amin, in fact if WBK decides to tell 
the truth, Uganda got independence in 1971 than in 1962. We started to be 
allowed to speak Luganda on Uganda schools under Amin, Swahili to come on Radio 
Uganda under Amin, we were a true colony of the British until 1971. The lives 
we had in 1970 is exactly the life that the WBKs want us back into. Coffee was 
major foreign exchange earner in Uganda, don’t you wonder that all of it was 
grown only by Ugandans, but only bought by Indians? So Ugandans were never 
allowed to buy Coffee and yet the Indians never grew it. 

 

But this is what is so interesting, instead of forcing people to pay graduated 
poll tax, why didn’t the WBKs deduct the tax off the coffee sales? Why were we 
not going to an Indian store, to sell the coffee, then the Indian keeps the tax 
percentage? For at that time you knew exactly what you had earned, why were 
they deciding it based only on the coffee trees you have in the plantation? 
Because the WBKs and Indians never invested into the system to be able to tally 
that money off the sales. 

 

Until 1970 we were mining copper out of Kilembe, send it to Jinja copper smelt 
industry, which was owned by Indians, they clean it up to 85% purity, then send 
it to UK to be purified to 90%, for that is the best you can purify it, then 
the UK turn around to sell it to us as a British copper in finished products. 
They were only cleaning it to the next 5% to own it, yet no one cared. That is 
1970. If you get a moment to carry this discussion with WBK ask him one 
question, when we got independence in 1962 what did we achieve by 1970. What 
new industry did Ugandans build, a new road, a new hospital, a new 
infrastructure, what did Uganda actually build between the independence and the 
incoming of Iddi Amin? I can tell you what Amin did between 1971 and 1979. What 
did we get in the years after independence? What did the WBKs do with all the 
money they got out of coffee, cotton, copper, and a whole pile of water running 
in the Nile? By the way we got Nile Perch before Iddi Amin came to power, I 
give him that but that is it.

 

Bonnes vacances à tous

 

EM -> { Trump for 2020 }

On the 49th Parallel  

 Thé Mulindwas Communication Group
"With Yoweri Museveni, Ssabassajja and Dr. Kiiza Besigye, Uganda is in anarchy"
Kuungana Mulindwa Mawasiliano Kikundi
"Pamoja na Yoweri Museveni, Ssabassajja na Dk. Kiiza Besigye, Uganda ni katika 
machafuko" 

 

From: ugandans-at-he...@googlegroups.com  
On Behalf Of Herrn Mulindwa Edward
Sent: Saturday, December 28, 2019 4:34 PM
To: ugandans-at-he...@googlegroups.com
Cc: ugandanet@kym.net
Subject: {UAH} A lot of diasporas aren't interested in politics back home!

 

WBK

 

[Ugnet] A lot of diasporas aren't interested in politics back home!

[Herrn Mulindwa Edward]

WBK

 

That argument  is very typical on how Uganda policies are made by Makerere 
graduates, you all base those policies on urban centers. In the process you 
forget the 85% of Ugandans that dwell in the rural areas. One can even argue 
that your proposal is what has caused the massive urbanization in Uganda, for 
you took out any meaning of being a rural Ugandan. Here is the typical life in 
the rural Uganda sir. My father never grew coffee to be able to pay his poll 
tax, it was to pay for the kids schooling, and a Gomes for the mother of the 
children. Make sure there is a chicken on the table on Christmas day, and a six 
pounder steak on Easter. It is going to become very cumbersome for you to 
explain how a society worked hard in the country so that it makes a one time 
payment. You are telling us that all Eastern African countries without poll tax 
system have lazy people? I differ. 

 

Here is the damage the poll taxing system did to the rural Ugandans.

 

You showed up and counted the trees of coffee that my father had, tallied all 
of them up and decided how much he was going to pay for that year. You were not 
taxing what he had received, but what you predicted him to earn that year. If 
it was a dry year and those trees never produced Mbirabiras, he had to pay it 
or end up in jail. Now how were you graduating the taxes of the people in the 
North? Were you counting their chickens or the pounds of millet they were 
expecting to grow in the year? Did you consider the Chickens that Kamunye was 
going to hack? What about a whole year where Millet had failed? How did you 
compensate for that? You instructed people to pay those taxes and they had no 
way of coming back for reevaluation, a very reason you planted the lowest 
number of DCs in Uganda, only 18 DCs. If it was easy for that tax to be  re 
evaluated then why the saying “Ne’bwolaba DC” It was that complicated that in 
my entire life in Uganda I do not know a single Ugandan that had ever succeeded 
in tax waive.

 

Next week is an important week for me, for I am going to pay my 2018 taxes, not 
2019 but 2018, I always pay my taxes the last week of the year. Why do I take 
that long? Because it gives me a time to review all my paper work, to remember 
any receipt I forgot, to review my credit cards and verify with the banks. I 
know how much I made in 2018, and next week I am going to pay the 2018 tax. If 
I were living in your opinion, next week I would be paying the 2021 tax with a 
hope that I will make so much as you have calculated on your Makerere page..

 

Ugandans have spent too much time, in planning how to take money out of the 
population, they have not bothered to invest in how to take it. Why did I 
advise Robert Atuhairwe to go after money remitted into Uganda? Because the 
government and the society have done that investment already, the system is in 
Uganda and already computerized, you can follow it and know exactly how much 
came in and how much was cashed out. Why didn’t I advise him on taxing 
property? There are so many Ugandans with huge houses in Uganda, why not tax 
those properties annually? Because you have not invested into them. They are 
not listed, they’re not addressed, and you do not know what house and what 
class is built where. You just dump houses as you individually wish thus tough 
to tax. Take a moment and invest into the taxation system, the money is 
available than going after the rural people.

 

Ugandans did not leave rural areas because they do not have to pay taxes any 
more, they left for after you collected those taxes you never came back sir. Do 
you know why my father lives that long? Omululuza was his cure. Salt on a wound 
was very effective. You walloped all their money and you never returned it in 
services. But you delivered to your self the services you needed in the urban 
centers, where you lived and the rest of Ugandans decided to follow up on those 
services. The roads were dependent on my father’s bulungi bwansi, not the tax 
you took but Bulungi bwansi. You picked up all the children of Acholi and Langi 
and used my father’s tax to pay their school fees. Ask them they are in this 
very forum, did their parents pay a penny for their education? Where the heck 
did that money come from? Now come with me into Luwero district, and show me a 
government maintained road, and I will show you the roads that were standing 
due to Bulungi bwansi.

 

You were such bad governors that the jails at gombolola/sub county hqs were 
never built by the government, they were built by the village people. Tugenda 
ku gombolola kuzimba kadukulu. The reason they are no longer there is because 
they were never permanent fixtures, you jailed these people, and the villagers 
were the ones feeding them. WBK do you actually know of a Gombolola budget to 
feed the prisoners? No good people out of their good will were cooking for 
them, or their families were bringing food for them. Now WBK if you failed 

[Ugnet] I THINK IT IS ONLY FAIR THAT I CLOSE THE DAY OF MY POSTINGS WITH THIS PIECE

[Herrn Mulindwa Edward]

Bitter tales from the bushes of Luweero Triangle

Wednesday January 30 2013



The skulls at various war memorial centres. Photo by Racheal Mabala.  

By Frederic Musisi

Paul Lubwama loses his cool whenever one mentions the January 26 National
Resistance Movement celebrations, which were postponed to today. However,
unlike some people whose grouse against the celebrations revolves around
wastage of resources, Lubwama’s reasons and concerns are inundated with
gloom, grief and bitter memories of the war. 

He rewinds to the events in the 1980s that he never thought would claim all
his six family members. A portrait that was taken on Christmas Eve of 1979
is the only remaining memory of them.

He adds that with the escalation of rebel activities in presentday Luweero
and Wakiso Districts, things started taking another shape on both sides. 

Each group—the government troops and the rebels—had a specific character and
means of persuasion to win over the local population and those who refused
to take sides were viewed as enemies and were threatened, which led to the
killing of many “innocent” people who wanted an ordinary life but walked a
middle road.

“Day time was always for the government troops, while rebels always advanced
in the night. However, as a tactic of war and as days passed, rebels began
camouflaging in government army uniforms, stormed villages and acted anyway
they desired to tarnish the government’s image,” Lubwama narrates.

On the night of August 10, 1984, a group of men dressed as government
soldiers and speaking in Kiswahili raided their home in Wabusaana village
and took away his father, whom they asked questions he never understood
because he did not speak the language.

In the process, his mother and five siblings escaped into the nearby shrubs,
leaving behind Lubwama, who was then 13, and had been a recruit of the
rebels as a spy on Obote’s men. He associated with Obote’s soldiers during
the day.

Little did he know that while he was away, “Obote’s men” had made a stopover
at his home and had discussed some matters at length with his father,
according to his elder brother, who died later in the war. 

But according to Lubwama, while the government troops had earlier visited
his home, they could not make a return at night because it was not their
practice, which leaves a possibility that his father might have been killed
by the same rebels he worked for.

Luweero Triangle, located to the north of Kampala, was where Yoweri Museveni
led the National Resistance Army, to the bush in 1981, following his defeat
in the 1980 elections, to fight “bad governance” until 1986, when he assumed
power. 

More still, Luweero Triangle is commonly remembered for the brutal killings,
particularly of civilians during the war, which are mostly blamed on Obote’s
government. But, little from this war has been chronicled to give a proper
account of the killings that stretched across Kiboga, Nakaseke, Nakasongola,
Mubende, Mityana and Wakiso. What is clear though, greater Luweero remains
in a state of poverty, with unemployed youth, the sons and daughters of
fighters and heroes whose skulls are being eaten away by termites in
memorial graves dug by President Museveni’s government after he took over
power.

Those who survived the war by what they call the “grace of God”, the five
years remain an unforgettable and unforgiveable period.

Who is accountable?
This is the big question whose answer you will not get from either party in
the conflict. The rebels now the government in power, blame the Uganda
Peoples Congress (UPC), who were the government then, and are prompt on
reminding the population in those areas about what Obote’s men did to them.

UPC, on the other hand, has also never stopped calling for an investigation
into what happened in Luweero and who was responsible. Yet many who
witnessed the events have since decided to keep quiet, some are patiently
awaiting justice for the looting, mysterious and brutal killings of
civilians, disappearance of many people, use of child soldiers—most of whom
died, the list is endless.

Rebel invasions versus government troops atrocities
John Kasozi (not real names), an elder in one of the villages in Luweero was
also part of the guerilla movement, says the two groups killed people
indifferently in large numbers and used different methods. 

For example, the rebels had a tendency of grabbing people in their homes,
especially at night, dragging them to the forests, ferociously interrogating
them about their relationship and information they held on government
troops, establishments and plans, and later hacking them, he narrates.

He adds that their signature killing method consisted of blindfolding
people, stripping them naked, and then hacking them one by one to death
using axes and spears, among others. 

Citing examples of who actually did such in the bush and their current
whereabouts in or outside government, he notes that, the rebels mostly
killed civilians to grab