Legendary Ambassador Roasts Washington's Insane Russia Policy

Jack Matlock makes the case for the United States reaching a practical 
compromise with Russia

James Carden <http://russia-insider.com/en/james_carden>   
<http://russia-insider.com/taxonomy/term/976/all/feed> 

(The Nation <http://russia-insider.com/en/nation_0> )

6 hours ago | 720 6 
<http://russia-insider.com/en/2015/02/18/3600#disqus_thread>  

This article originally appeared 
<http://www.thenation.com/article/198289/legendary-ambassador-delivers-some-straight-talk-dc>
  in The Nation

  _____  

Just as the Beltway’s legions of neo–Cold Warriors were working themselves up 
into paroxysms of self-righteous indignation over the Obama administration’s 
refusal to (so far, anyway) arm America’s purported “allies” in Kiev, one of 
the Cold War’s wise men reappeared in Washington last week.

At a gathering sponsored by the Committee for the Republic, which was formed by 
an elite group of former Washington officials in response to George W. Bush’s 
foreign policy adventurism, Jack Matlock spoke for nearly an hour at the 
National Press Club urging the assembled not to fall prey to the Manichaeistic 
view of the current crisis in relations between the United States and Russia.

Matlock, 85, knows of what he speaks. He began his thirty-five-year career in 
the Foreign Service translating dispatches between Washington and Moscow at the 
height of the Cuban missile crisis. He was present at nearly every US-Soviet 
summit between 1972–91 and served as US ambassador to Russia under Presidents 
Ronald Reagan and George HW Bush from 1987–91.

Given his pivotal role in helping to end the four-decade Cold War, Matlock 
brings the long view so sorely missing from the current debate over Russia 
policy in Washington. For him Washington’s “group-think” on Russia is 
“difficult to comprehend.” He told the committee’s rapt, well-heeled audience 
of former office holders, political appointees and former spooks that as 
recently as a year ago he dismissed talk of a “new Cold War” as “silly”; after 
all, that was a worldwide ideological contest between two relatively equal 
military superpowers. Yet over the past year, Matlock told the group, he has 
had occasion to revise his view, especially in light of the debate currently 
being waged in Washington over whether to arm the regime in Kiev.

Something is amiss, according to the ambassador, when heretofore serious voices 
in Washington believe that arming Kiev is a relatively consequence-free policy 
choice because they insist on viewing Russia as “a regional power.” To 
Matlock’s way of thinking, this is an error of the first order. “No one with 
ICBM’s is a regional power, not by any means.”

Matlock stressed that his position—that the United States needs to find a modus 
vivendi with Russia in spite of the crisis in Ukraine—is not driven by any 
animus towards the Ukrainians, far from it. “I respect and know Ukraine; I know 
it, its people and its literature,” but we in the West and in the United States 
in particular need to understand that for Russia, Ukraine is of “existential” 
importance.

According to the ambassador, who was present at some of the most pivotal 
discussions between President Reagan and General Secretary Gorbachev during the 
Cold War’s denouement, the taproot of the current crisis is NATO expansion. 
Beginning with NATO’s Madrid Summit (1994) at which NATO announced it would 
begin the process of bringing in new member states, through NATO’s Bucharest 
Summit (2008), at which the alliance declared that “Georgia and Ukraine shall 
become members of NATO,” the United States has reneged on the promise President 
George H.W. Bush made to Gorbachev at the Malta Summit (1989) not to expand 
NATO eastward.

Bush’s promise not to expand the alliance eastward in exchange for the peaceful 
and orderly withdrawal of Soviet occupying troops in Eastern Europe was, 
according to Matlock, repeated by nearly all of the alliance members at the 
time. According to the ambassador, what today’s Western leaders seem not to 
understand is that a Europe that is “whole and free” will not and cannot exist 
unless “Russia is part of the system.” And yet, the United States has pursued 
policies toward Russia over the past two decades that can only be seen as 
exclusionary.

While NATO’s decision to bring in Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic as 
full members in 1999 (the same year, incidentally, that NATO undertook an 
aerial bombardment of Russia’s ally Serbia) would have been damaging enough to 
US-Russian relations, things got worse (as they tended to) under the second 
President Bush. Matlock reminded the assembled that President Putin was the 
first world leader to call Bush after the attack of 9/11 to offer support. The 
administration’s decision to withdraw from the AMB Treaty was his repayment. 
Instead of working to minimize the mistrust between us, time and again, the 
Bush administration pursued policies that magnified it.

This, Matlock was at pains to point out, was the exact opposite approach taken 
by his former boss. For all his manifold faults, Reagan knew that as long as 
there was “distrust between us” it would be impossible to find common ground on 
issues as diverse as arms control, nuclear proliferation, the environment and 
emigration. Reagan, unlike his predecessors, knew that “we were too upfront on 
human rights” and that a private not public approach would yield more results. 
Reagan “never denigrated any Soviet leader by name…and dealt with them with 
respect.” Today we have a President and Congress who routinely insult the 
leader of Russia. Yet Matlock warns: “you don’t set up a public duel if you 
want to solve a crisis.”

Would that men like Jack Matlock had the ear of President Obama today.

http://russia-insider.com/en/2015/02/18/3600

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