The Ukraine War Is Ballooning
America’s Military Industrial Complex

April 29, 2022
By  <https://quincyinst.org/author/abacevich/> Andrew Bacevich
  

In Shakespeare’s Henry IV, Part II, the dying monarch famously counsels Prince 
Hal “to busy giddy minds with foreign quarrels,” a practice certain to “waste 
the memory of the former days.” For American politicians and pundits given to 
giddiness—and to distracting attention from recent failures—the proxy war in 
Ukraine is the perfect foreign quarrel. It is rejuvenating Cold War–style 
militarized globalism as the cornerstone of U.S. national security policy.

 

For those on the antiwar left or the anti-interventionist right, this comes as 
a worrisome development. Within establishment circles, however, it is 
encouraging good news. Writing in National Review, the reliably bellicose 
Elliot Abrams looked forward <https://www.cfr.org/blog/new-cold-war-0>  with 
evident anticipation to “a dangerous and lengthy struggle” with Russia “that 
may last for generations.” In the pages of The Week, the typically dovish Damon 
Linker threw in with the likes of Abrams. “The Ukraine invasion marks a return 
to a world primarily dominated by competition and hostility among states,” he 
wrote 
<https://theweek.com/world/1011567/why-ukraine-has-united-hawks-and-their-critics-alike>
 . “Such a world resembles the Cold War, but also the world that preceded the 
Cold War.” It was back to the darkest days of the twentieth century.

 

The hawks’ position is winning out. In March, the Pentagon ordered 
<https://www.militarytimes.com/flashpoints/ukraine/2022/03/02/very-hectic-us-troops-rush-to-europe-amid-war-in-ukraine/>
  roughly 12,000 troops to the continent, bringing the total U.S. presence in 
Central and Eastern Europe from 60,000 personnel 
<https://www.washingtonpost.com/national-security/2022/04/05/us-troops-europe-russia-ukraine/>
  to more than 100,000 
<https://www.politico.com/news/2022/03/29/u-s-troops-europe-russia-ukraine-00021296>
 . Earlier this month, Army Gen. Mark Milley, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs 
of Staff, advised 
<https://apnews.com/article/russia-ukraine-joint-chiefs-of-staff-lloyd-austin-poland-eastern-europe-5ce1094cf00430d78bbf983c7b3bacd9>
  that the U.S. deploy yet more troops and develop additional bases in the 
region. Meanwhile, Congress and President Biden have already allocated $13.6 
billion in aid to Ukraine, nearly half of which is termed “lethal 
<https://www.npr.org/2022/03/09/1085509937/house-advances-13-6-billion-in-ukraine-aid-along-with-government-funding>
 ”: $6.5 billion to fund 
<https://www.cnn.com/2022/03/09/politics/ukraine-aid-spending-bill-congress/index.html>
  arms for Ukraine and the aforementioned troop deployment. On Thursday, Biden 
asked Congress for an additional $33 billion in aid, $20 billion of which would 
“provide weapons to Ukraine, replenish U.S. arms stockpiles, and help other 
countries shift away from a dependence on Russian weapons,” NPR reported 
<https://www.npr.org/2022/04/28/1095236237/biden-ukraine-33-billion-aid> .

 

The consequences of this war—undeniably our war, too, given the number of 
Russian soldiers killed by U.S.-supplied weaponry—will not become fully 
apparent for some time. Yet we can already glimpse its probable impact on 
American politics and on U.S. national security priorities. That impact is 
likely to be profound and almost certainly destructive. Put simply, the war 
will divert attention and resources from more urgent priorities. In fact, given 
where negotiations 
<https://thehill.com/policy/finance/3466750-dems-offer-reality-check-on-manchin-build-back-better/>
  stand on a hollowed-out version of Biden’s Build Back Better, it already is 
doing so.

Read the full article in The New Republic 
<https://newrepublic.com/article/166233/ukraine-war-us-military-spending-biden> 

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