counterpunch.org 
<https://www.counterpunch.org/2023/06/02/the-serbian-movement-against-violence/>
  


The Serbian Movement Against Violence


Mira Oklobdzija

10–13 minutes

  _____  

On May 3, 2023, a 13-year-old boy entered his school in central Belgrade with a 
gun and opened fire. He is currently in a psychiatric clinic, and his father is 
in custody, accused of training the teenager to handle weapons and failing to 
adequately secure the pistol. Only a day later, a young man of 20 randomly 
fired at people in a rural area south of the capital. Altogether, 17 people 
have been killed and 21 wounded, most of them children or very young. One 
injured girl died in the hospital 10 days later.

What followed were three protests: silent marches of more than 50.000 people 
each. The third, the largest one on May 19, lasted long into the night, without 
serious incidents. Citizens peacefully walked through the city with the banner 
“Serbia against violence and blocked Belgrade’s most important Gazela Bridge 
over the river Sava <https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sava> . Apart from 
expressing grief over the lost lives, demonstrators are criticizing the 
government for encouraging a culture of violence and hate speech, which is 
omnipresent in the official media space and freely used even by the president, 
Aleksandar Vučić.

Protestors demanded the resignations of two ministers and the withdrawal of 
broadcast licenses for two TV stations that are close to the state—“Pink” and 
“Happy”—which promote violence and frequently host convicted war criminals and 
people from the underworld. Both are famous for their violent reality shows 
that, by some estimates, make up 60 percent 
<https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/may/15/vucic-created-this-atmosphere-of-hate-serbians-wary-of-presidents-gun-pledge>
  of their recent programming. Protestors also demand that tabloids, sharing 
the same appreciation for hate speech and violence—such as Informer, Kurir, 
Blic, and Telegraf—be put under scrutiny.  Nearly 450,000 people have signed 
<https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/may/15/vucic-created-this-atmosphere-of-hate-serbians-wary-of-presidents-gun-pledge>
  a petition calling for concrete actions.

A History of Protest

Protestors from the democratic opposition in Serbia often call their actions 
“walks.”  Like the Australian aborigines, they are performing a sort of 
“walkabout” in search of the soul of their country, which the Western media so 
often portrays as barbaric and brutal. The current “walks” in Belgrade continue 
a ritual journey started a long time ago. The anti-war movement organized a 
number of protests in 1991-1992 against Slobodan Milošević 
<https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Slobodan_Milo%C5%A1evi%C4%87> ’s regime,  
opposing the army’s actions in the Battle of Vukovar 
<https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Battle_of_Vukovar> , the sieges of Dubrovnik 
<https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Siege_of_Dubrovnik>  and Sarajevo 
<https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Siege_of_Sarajevo> , and military conscription 
<https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Conscription> . About 150,000 people took part 
in the largest protest—the Black Ribbon March—in solidarity with the people of 
Sarajevo <https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sarajevo> . Somewhere between 50,000 
and 200,000 people deserted from the Yugoslav People’s Army 
<https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yugoslav_People%27s_Army> , while between 
100,000 and 150,000 Serbs emigrated as part of their refusal to participate in 
the war. Despite these numbers, the independent media and anti-war groups from 
Serbia did not attract much international attention 
<https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/nationalities-papers/article/abs/it-was-like-fighting-a-war-with-our-own-people-antiwar-activism-in-serbia-during-the-1990s/2E5EF6E158DE39EC264B1F7EC723065D>
 .

During  the winter of 1996–1997, students of the University of Belgrade 
<https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/University_of_Belgrade>  protested against the 
electoral fraud <https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Electoral_fraud>  attempted by 
the Socialist Party of Serbia 
<https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Socialist_Party_of_Serbia>  of President 
<https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/President_of_Serbia_and_Montenegro>  Slobodan 
Milošević <https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Slobodan_Milo%C5%A1evi%C4%87>  and 
demanded the return of the university’s autonomy. At the same time, opposition 
parties created the coalition Zajedno (Together) and organized a series of 
peaceful protests.

But on December 24, 1996, the government coalition Za Srbiju (For Serbia) 
organized a large counter-protest. Milošević told his supporters that “Serbia 
will not be controlled by someone else’s hand,” implying that his hand was 
adequate. To the chants of “Slobo, mi te volimo” (“Slobo, we love you”), 
Milošević responded with “I love you too.” Before, during and after the rally, 
supporters of the regime physically confronted the opposition. Police 
intervened, but not promptly enough. One person was killed, another seriously 
injured. Serbia seemed to be on the brink of the civil war.

A few years later, the country again approached the precipice. On August 25, 
2000, Ivan Stambolić <https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ivan_Stamboli%C4%87> , a 
former mentor and political ally of Milošević, was kidnapped from his home and 
later executed. Milošević was accused of orchestrating the assassination. The 
anti-government youth movement Otpor! <https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Otpor!>  
(Resistance) led the campaign against the administration and for a transparent 
democracy. To unify opposition, 18 parties formed the Democratic Opposition of 
Serbia <https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Democratic_Opposition_of_Serbia>  (DOS) 
coalition, with Vojislav Koštunica 
<https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vojislav_Ko%C5%A1tunica>  as the candidate to 
confront Milošević. Across two months of protests, several hundred thousand 
protesters arrived in Belgrade <https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Belgrade> , 
chanting “He’s finished!” Although there was no larger escalation of violence, 
65 people were nevertheless injured in the riots and two died. DOS won the 
elections in December with a two-thirds majority. On 1 April 2001, Serbian 
police detained Milošević, and he was later transferred to The Hague 
<https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Hague> .

More Recent Protests

The “walks” are still going on. Promises have not been held and hate speech 
continues, as does the perpetual reinforcement of old nationalist myths. The 
rise to power of Aleksandar Vučić didn’t help. At the end of 2018, voices 
started to be raised against president’s authoritarian rule. First in Belgrade 
and quickly spreading to the cities across the country, this round of 
demonstrations lasted more than a year before being suspended in March 2020 due 
to the COVID pandemic 
<https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/COVID-19_pandemic_in_Serbia> . What provoked 
anger were numerous scandals involving ruling party members, information about 
strange arm deals and corruption, questionable electoral practices including 
the intimidation of voters, and violent attacks on opposition figures. Assaults 
on investigative journalists and pressure on independent media had again become 
commonplace. Freedom House reported 
<https://freedomhouse.org/country/serbia/freedom-world/2023>  on legal 
harassment and smear campaigns. But oppositional parties didn’t come with a 
convincing alternative program and nothing at the top changed. For his part, 
Vučić organized a number of rallies under the banner of the “Future of Serbia,” 
handsomely assisted by a pro-government media that demonized protesters as 
“fascists, hooligans, and thieves.”

The walks continue amid a growing crisis of democratic institutions. In 2020 
Gradjanski Otpor (Civil Resistance) called for a boycott of the elections, 
while representatives of the academic community demanded a change in the 
editorial policy of the Serbian public broadcaster RTS. For the next two years 
the streets were often occupied by one initiative or another:  both pro- and 
anti-LBGT manifestations, reactions to COVID measures, actions against police 
brutality and in favor of media freedom. To most of these demands for change, 
Vučić gave his characteristic answer, calling participants criminal, foreign 
elements.

The biggest environmental protest (and the only successful one) started in 
September 2021 and lasted until February 2022. It was held in Belgrade and 
other locations in Serbia <https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Serbia> . Tens of 
thousands of people demanded that the Serbian government cancel the permission 
given to the Anglo-Australian corporation Rio Tinto 
<https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rio_Tinto_(corporation)>   to explore mines near 
the Jadar Valley <https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jadar_(Drina)>  and exploit the 
silicate mineral, jadarite. On January 8, Prime Minister Ana Brnabić announced 
<https://www.reuters.com/business/retail-consumer/serbian-government-revokes-rio-tintos-licences-lithium-project-2022-01-20/>
  that the government “was close to annulling all permits given to Rio Tinto” 
and later confirmed that the plan had indeed been abolished. She didn’t shy 
away from accusing Western governments 
<https://europeanwesternbalkans.com/2022/01/27/western-embassies-reject-serbian-pm-allegations-of-funding-environmental-protests/>
  of supporting the protests.

What’s Happening Now on the Streets

In 2023, the mass protests are taking place yet again. The pro-governmental TV 
station Pink has reported that a “handful of haters” are harassing the people. 
The government proclaims that the protesters are anti-Serbian, unpatriotic, and 
a danger to the state. For his part, Vučić sent the demonstrators a message: 
“Serbia is fed up with your destruction of everything Serbian!” He informed his 
supporters that “sister services from the east told him that these are attempts 
at ‘color revolutions,’” alluding to the change of government in Kyiv in 2014.

Meanwhile, the government has issued an invitation to a May 26 counter-rally, 
where, according to the authorities 
<https://www.danas.rs/svet/region/vucic-najavljuje-najveci-skup-u-srbiji-ikad-ljude-ce-prevoziti-2-200-autobusa/>
 , “the real Serbs” will pledge their fealty to the motherland and its leaders 
and oppose all inner and foreign enemies that are struggling to influence them.

According to the Miroslav Parovica 
<https://www.danas.rs/dijalog/licni-stavovi/licni-stav-miroslava-parovica-taj-tihi-mars-protiv-narastajuceg-zla/>
 , the president of the opposition National Freedom Movement:

The government officially announced that the system works well, and to top it 
all, the president of the state publicly invites his supporters to protest 
against the citizens of Serbia who did not accept the official version about 
the responsibility of video games and social networks (for the killings)… it is 
important to support and encourage the citizens to persevere in this silent 
march that will eventually win over an aggressive and hysterical government 
unwilling to take responsibility and show even a gram of empathy and reason.

Prominent copywriter Nadežda Milenković adds 
<https://pescanik.net/srbija-sanja/> , “The authorities support … street 
demonstration of power, brute force, ignorance, lack of education, lack of 
compassion, demonization… The only thing they do not support is demonstrating 
decency. If you try to show the authorities what unadulterated humanity looks 
like, the authorities will demonstratively pout.”

The government has done one good thing: organized a mass handover of illegal 
arms. To date, citizens have turned in more than 13,500 weapons 
<https://www.danas.rs/bbc-news-serbian/tragedija-u-beogradu-i-mladenovcu-predaja-nelegalnog-oruzja-od-8-maja-predato-oko-13-500-komada/>
 ), from guns and hand grenades to anti-tank launchers and hundreds of 
thousands of rounds of ammunition. But this is far from enough. Social 
insecurity, underlying violence, mistrust, manipulation, propaganda, economic 
problems, and confusion concerning the future are all taking their toll. The 
president consistently glides between pro-EU and a pro-Putin positions while 
loudly proclaiming his independent position.

For their part, the democratic opposition and the peaceful citizens of Serbia 
are hoping to become a serious factor of change. But the clear and present 
danger is that an organized, obedient, and paid group of protesters will take 
the stage on May 26. They may well become violent. The government is well aware 
of it. Indeed, given its consistently violent rhetoric, the government might 
even encourage it.

Mira Oklobdzija is an independent researcher, activist, sociologist and 
anthropologist. For the last 12 years, she was a researcher on the team of 
experts working for the office of the Prosecutor at the UN ICTY. Her books 
include Revolution between Freedom and Dictatorship and, with Slobodan Drakulic 
and Claudio Venza, Urban Guerilla in Italy, as well as a number of articles 
dealing with human rights, political violence, war crimes, reconciliation, 
migrations, human nature, xenophobia, marginal groups, and outsiders. She lives 
in The Hague, Netherlands. 

 

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