spectator.co.uk 
<https://www.spectator.co.uk/article/why-belgrade-is-cosying-up-to-beijing/>  


Why Belgrade is cosying up to Beijing


Tatyana Kekic

5–6 minutes

  _____  

Thousands of Serbs gathered outside the Palace of Serbia today to welcome the 
Chinese president Xi Jinping, chanting ‘China, Serbia’. Addressing the 
audience, Serbia’s President Aleksandar Vučić thanked Xi for choosing to visit 
Serbia: ‘We are writing history today…[Xi] hasn’t come to Europe in five years 
and he has again chosen our little Serbia.’

The visit has been choreographed to coincide with the 25th anniversary of 
Nato’s bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade in 1999. The strike killed 
three Chinese journalists and sparked mass protests across China. It is an 
incident China will never forget and has been a constant thorn in Sino-American 
relations. 

In a statement published yesterday in Serbia’s leading daily newspaper 
Politika, Xi said that China’s friendship with Serbia ‘is soaked in the shared 
blood of the two nations’. It is likely that he will take the opportunity to 
visit the former embassy, now a China Cultural Centre, to pay his respects to 
the dead and make a political point – that Nato is not a purely defensive 
alliance, and that China is far stronger now than it was then.

Since Xi’s previous visit to Serbia in 2016, relations between the two 
countries have intensified, with China emerging as Serbia’s primary economic 
partner. China is the single largest investor 
<https://www.reuters.com/world/chinas-xi-jinping-visit-serbia-anniversary-1999-nato-bombing-2024-05-07/>
  in Serbia, and its second largest trade partner after the EU. Last October, 
the two countries signed a free trade agreement, making Serbia China’s first 
free trade partner in central and eastern Europe.

Chinese investment in Serbia, which accounts for around a third of the 
country’s total foreign direct investment, is concentrated in mining and 
manufacturing. Zijin Mining and Serbia Zijin Copper are now the second and 
third most profitable companies in Serbia. Chinese companies have also been 
involved in major infrastructure projects in Serbia, such as the Belgrade to 
Novi Sad high-speed railway and the Miloš the Great highway.

It is obvious why China is an important partner for Serbia – it has invested 
billions in the country and has been a bulwark against the international 
recognition of Kosovo at the UN. It might be less clear, however, why Serbia is 
important for China. China’s trade with Serbia is less than one-fortieth of its 
trade with Germany, and yet it has chosen to visit Belgrade not Berlin.

For China, Serbia is a rare friend in Europe, and one which shares its 
worldview. Both countries sacralise state sovereignty and territorial integrity 
in international law. While China has always opposed Kosovo’s independence, 
Vučić has been clear on his position on Taiwan. ‘Taiwan is China. And it’s up 
to you, what, when, how you’re going to do it’, he said in a recent interview. 

China also sees Serbia as a gateway to Europe. As an EU candidate state, Serbia 
could become a conduit through which China could enter the European market. And 
by occupying a strategic position in the western Balkans, Serbia plays an 
important role in China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), connecting the Greek 
port of Piraeus, run by China’s Cosco Shipping, to Hungary in the north.

Serbia’s courting of China does raise questions about Belgrade’s commitment to 
EU accession. But after waiting to join the EU for more than two decades, 
Serbia has little to lose here. The sluggish accession talks and constant 
moving targets mean Serbia has been forced to look elsewhere to develop its 
economy and increase growth.

As the governor of the National Bank of Serbia recently remarked, ‘this waiting 
room is turning into captivity.’ Instead of waiting around doing nothing, 
Serbia has ‘dared to have its own path and to be different.’ Since 2009, Serbia 
has pursued a foreign policy which balances its relations between the US, EU, 
Russia and China.

Much like the former Yugoslavia, Serbia insists on its right to pursue an 
independent foreign policy. Serbia has refused to distance itself from Russia 
since its invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, and has continued to seek 
economic opportunities and diplomatic support from China.

So far this strategy has not served Serbia badly.

Serbia’s growth rate is amongst the highest in Europe (its estimated GDP was 
4.6 per cent for the first quarter of 2024), and its public debt to GDP ratio 
is amongst the lowest (and projected to decline to around 50 per cent in 2024). 
Despite warnings from the EU that Chinese investment would create a debt trap, 
Serbia’s total external debt was only around 65 per cent of GDP at the end of 
2023.

It is uncertain how long Serbia will be able to keep up its balancing act. The 
country faces pressure from the EU to impose sanctions on Russia and distance 
itself from China. Perhaps if the prospect of EU membership were more credible, 
the country would rethink its international leanings. For now, Serbia’s 
alliance with China is serving it well.

 

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