thefp.com <https://www.thefp.com/p/were-all-soviets-now>  


Niall Ferguson: We’re All Soviets Now


Niall Ferguson

22–28 minutes

  _____  

Bari here.

In the early days of The Free Press, I put together a fantasy roster. Niall 
Ferguson was at the top of it. Today, I am thrilled to announce that Niall is 
joining The Free Press as a biweekly columnist. 

Niall’s résumé is a little much. He has two degrees from Oxford and has taught 
there as well as at Cambridge, NYU, the London School of Economics, and 
Harvard. He’s now a senior fellow at Stanford’s Hoover Institution. 

Given the present state of many of those institutions, you might dismiss Niall 
as an establishment hack who shapes history to serve the acceptable narrative.

That isn’t Niall. Unlike so many of the excellent sheep that enjoy tenure in 
academe, Niall thinks for himself, a quality you can see on display in any one 
of his 16 books (and counting), including The Pity of War: Explaining World War 
I <https://bookshop.org/a/93116/9780465057122> ; Kissinger: 1923–1968: The 
Idealist <https://bookshop.org/a/93116/9780143109754>  (part one of a two-part 
biography); The Square and the Tower 
<https://bookshop.org/a/93116/9780735222939> ; and, most recently, Doom: The 
Politics of Catastrophe 
<https://bookshop.org/p/books/doom-the-politics-of-catastrophe-niall-ferguson/15315170?ean=9780593297391>
 . 

For this incredible body of work, King Charles just knighted 
<https://uk.news.yahoo.com/scottish-historian-credits-family-teachers-213000284.html?guccounter=1&guce_referrer=aHR0cHM6Ly93d3cuZ29vZ2xlLmNvbS8&guce_referrer_sig=AQAAAIlnLTs1ulf2Ld_oHp_0a6PIo3np0Y6p6zp3FtqqfnGS51EleH815wGMLmwt9yGhvz9KQeyctHxRaW1LZXC5yv-T72yw8V2VnP75pI1CPZjXyZtmC93a03s4yKq8h-JhVxkT2sMzb736om0s5NP3DaOwcSbwMFbmQYCz2Cc31T4B>
  Niall a few days ago.

In recent years, Niall has been one of the most thoughtful and intellectually 
honest voices in the cultural battle that has engulfed America’s most storied 
institutions—including academia. In an epochal essay he published this past 
December in The Free Press, “The Treason of the Intellectuals 
<https://www.thefp.com/p/niall-ferguson-treason-intellectuals-third-reich> ,” 
he argued that “American academia has gone in the opposite political 
direction—leftward instead of rightward—but has ended up in much the same 
place” as German academia pre–World War II. “The question is whether we—unlike 
the Germans—can do something about it.”

Niall is doing something. He is one of the founders of the new University of 
Austin, where I sit on the board alongside him and where, this fall, we will 
welcome the university’s first class. 

Oh, and did I mention that he’s married to Ayaan Hirsi Ali? In journalism we 
call that burying the lede.

Sir Niall’s first column is just below. —BW

 
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The witty phrase “late Soviet America 
<https://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/american-decline-under-trump-lessons-from-soviet-union-by-harold-james-2020-07>
 ” was coined by the Princeton historian Harold James back in 2020. It has only 
become more apposite since then as the cold war we’re in—the second one—heats 
up.

I first pointed out that we’re in Cold War II back in 2018. In articles for The 
New York Times <https://www.nytimes.com/2019/12/02/opinion/china-cold-war.html> 
 and National Review 
<https://www.nationalreview.com/magazine/2020/12/17/cold-war-ii/> , I tried to 
show how the People’s Republic of China now occupies the space vacated by the 
Soviet Union when it collapsed in 1991. 

This view is less controversial now than it was then. China is clearly not only 
an ideological rival, firmly committed to Marxism-Leninism and one-party rule. 
It’s also a technological competitor—the only one the U.S. confronts in fields 
such as artificial intelligence and quantum computing. It’s a military rival, 
with a navy that is already larger than ours and a nuclear arsenal that is 
catching up fast. And it’s a geopolitical rival, asserting itself not only in 
the Indo-Pacific but also through proxies in Eastern Europe and elsewhere.

But it only recently struck me that in this new Cold War, we—and not the 
Chinese—might be the Soviets. It’s a bit like that moment when the British 
comedians David Mitchell and Robert Webb, playing Waffen-SS officers toward the 
end of World War II, ask the immortal question: “Are we the baddies? 
<https://youtu.be/h242eDB84zY?si=jnISNprRlPy-HNzT> ”

I imagine two American sailors asking themselves one day—perhaps as their 
aircraft carrier is sinking beneath their feet somewhere near the Taiwan 
Strait: Are we the Soviets?

Yes, I know what you are going to say. 

There is a world of difference between the dysfunctional planned economy that 
Stalin built and bequeathed his heirs, which collapsed as soon as Mikhail 
Gorbachev tried to reform it, and the dynamic market economy that we Americans 
take pride in. 

The Soviet system squandered resources and all but guaranteed shortages of 
consumer goods. The Soviet healthcare system was crippled by dilapidated 
hospitals and chronic shortages of equipment. There was grinding poverty, 
hunger, and child labor. 

 
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A drunken man lies down at the Kazansky train station buffet in Moscow on 
January 6, 1992. (Vitaly Armand via Getty Images)

In America today, such conditions exist only in the bottom quintile of the 
economic distribution—though the extent to which they do exist is truly 
appalling. Infant mortality in the late Soviet Union was around 25 per 1,000 
<https://www.macrotrends.net/global-metrics/countries/RUS/russia/infant-mortality-rate>
 . The figure for the U.S. in 2021 was 5.4 
<https://www.cdc.gov/maternal-infant-health/infant-mortality/index.html> , but 
for single mothers in the Mississippi Delta or Appalachia it is 13 per 1,000. 

The comparison to the Soviet Union, you might argue, is nevertheless risible.

Take a closer look. 

A chronic “soft budget constraint” in the public sector, which was a key 
weakness of the Soviet system? I see a version of that in the U.S. deficits 
forecast by the Congressional Budget Office to exceed 5 percent of GDP for the 
foreseeable future, and to rise inexorably to 8.5 percent by 2054. The 
insertion of the central government into the investment decision-making 
process? I see that too, despite the hype around the Biden administration’s 
“industrial policy.”

Economists keep promising us a productivity miracle from information 
technology, most recently AI. But the annual average growth rate of 
productivity <https://www.bls.gov/productivity/home.htm>  in the U.S. nonfarm 
business sector has been stuck at just 1.5 percent since 2007, only marginally 
better than the dismal years 1973–1980.

The U.S. economy might be the envy of the rest of the world today, but recall 
how American experts overrated the Soviet economy in the 1970s and 1980s.

And yet, you insist, the Soviet Union was a sick man more than it was a 
superpower, whereas the United States has no equal in the realm of military 
technology and firepower. 

Actually, no. 

We have a military that is simultaneously expensive and unequal to the tasks it 
confronts, as Senator Roger Wicker’s newly published report 
<https://www.wicker.senate.gov/services/files/BC957888-0A93-432F-A49E-6202768A9CE0>
  makes clear. As I read Wicker’s report—and I recommend you do the same—I kept 
thinking of what successive Soviet leaders said until the bitter end: that the 
Red Army was the biggest and therefore most lethal military in the world.

On paper, it was. But paper was what the Soviet bear turned out to be made of. 
It could not even win a war in Afghanistan, despite ten years of death and 
destruction. (Now, why does that sound familiar?)

On paper, the U.S. defense budget does indeed exceed those of all the other 
members of NATO put together. But what does that defense budget actually buy 
us? As Wicker argues, not nearly enough to contend with the “Coalition Against 
Democracy” that China, Russia, Iran, and North Korea have been aggressively 
building. 

In Wicker’s words, “America’s military has a lack of modern equipment, a 
paucity of training and maintenance funding, and a massive infrastructure 
backlog. . . . it is stretched too thin and outfitted too poorly to meet all 
the missions assigned to it at a reasonable level of risk. Our adversaries 
recognize this, and it makes them more adventurous and aggressive.”

And, as I have pointed out elsewhere 
<https://www.bloomberg.com/opinion/articles/2024-04-21/china-russia-iran-axis-is-bad-news-for-trump-and-gop-isolationists>
 , the federal government will almost certainly spend more on debt service than 
on defense this year. 

It gets worse. 

According to the CBO, the share of gross domestic product going on interest 
payments on the federal debt will be double what we spend on national security 
by 2041, thanks partly to the fact that the rising cost of the debt will 
squeeze defense spending down from 3 percent of GDP this year to a projected 
2.3 percent in 30 years’ time. This decline makes no sense at a time when the 
threats posed by the new Chinese-led Axis 
<https://tnsr.org/2024/05/confronting-another-axis-history-humility-and-wishful-thinking/>
  are manifestly growing.

Even more striking to me are the political, social, and cultural resemblances I 
detect between the U.S. and the USSR. Gerontocratic leadership was one of the 
hallmarks of late Soviet leadership, personified by the senility of Leonid 
Brezhnev, Yuri Andropov, and Konstantin Chernenko. 

 
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Visitors walk through the courtyard to visit the Winter Palace courtyard in 
Leningrad, now known as Saint Petersburg, in November 1983. (Mikki Ansin via 
Getty Images)

But by current American standards, the later Soviet leaders were not old men. 
Brezhnev was 75 when he died in 1982, but he had suffered his first major 
stroke seven years before. Andropov was only 68 when he succeeded Brezhnev, but 
he suffered total kidney failure just a few months after taking over. Chernenko 
was 72 when he came to power. He was already a hopeless invalid, suffering from 
emphysema, heart failure, bronchitis, pleurisy, and pneumonia.

It is a reflection of the quality of healthcare enjoyed by their American 
counterparts today that they are both older and healthier. Nevertheless, Joe 
Biden (81) and Donald Trump (78) are hardly men in the first flush of youth and 
vitality, as The Wall Street Journal 
<https://www.wsj.com/politics/policy/joe-biden-age-election-2024-8ee15246>  
recently made cringe-inducingly clear. The former cannot distinguish between 
his two Hispanic cabinet secretaries, Alejandro Mayorkas and Xavier Becerra. 
The latter muddles up Nikki Haley and Nancy Pelosi. If Kamala Harris has never 
watched The Death of Stalin 
<https://www.imdb.com/title/tt4686844/?ref_=nv_sr_srsg_0_tt_8_nm_0_q_death%2520of%2520stalin>
 , it’s not too late.

Another notable feature of late Soviet life was total public cynicism about 
nearly all institutions. Leon Aron’s brilliant book Roads to the Temple 
<https://bookshop.org/a/93116/9780300118445>  shows just how wretched life in 
the 1980s had become. 

In the great “return to truth” unleashed by Gorbachev’s policy of glasnost 
<https://www.britannica.com/topic/glasnost> , Soviet citizens were able to pour 
forth their discontents in letters to a suddenly free press. Some of what they 
wrote about was specific to the Soviet context—in particular, the revelations 
about the realities of Soviet history, especially the crimes of the Stalin era. 
But to reread Russians’ complaints about their lives in the 1980s is to come 
across more than a few eerie foreshadowings of the American present.

In a letter to Komsomolskaya Pravda 
<https://www.britannica.com/topic/Komsomolskaya-Pravda>  from 1990, for 
example, a reader decried the “ghastly and tragic. . . loss of morality by a 
huge number of people living within the borders of the USSR.” Symptoms of moral 
debility included apathy and hypocrisy, cynicism, servility, and snitching. The 
entire country, he wrote, was suffocating in a “miasma of bare-faced and 
ceaseless public lies and demagoguery.” By July 1988, 44 percent of people 
polled by Moskovskie novosti 
<https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Moskovskiye_Novosti>  felt that theirs was an 
“unjust society.”

Look at the most recent Gallup 
<https://news.gallup.com/poll/508169/historically-low-faith-institutions-continues.aspx>
  surveys of American opinion and one finds a similar disillusionment. The 
share of the public that has confidence in the Supreme Court, the banks, public 
schools, the presidency, large technology companies, and organized labor is 
somewhere between 25 percent and 27 percent. For newspapers, the criminal 
justice system, television news, big business, and Congress, it’s below 20 
percent. For Congress, it’s 8 percent. Average confidence 
<https://news.gallup.com/poll/508169/historically-low-faith-institutions-continues.aspx>
  in major institutions is roughly half what it was in 1979.

 
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A man reads the Russian newspaper Pravda, publicly displayed on the walls of a 
Moscow building during the Gorbachev era. (Bernard Bisson via Getty Images)

It is now well known that younger Americans are suffering an epidemic of mental 
ill health—blamed by Jon Haidt <https://bookshop.org/a/93116/9780593655030>  
and others on smartphones and social media—while older Americans are succumbing 
to “deaths of despair <https://bookshop.org/a/93116/9780691217079> ,” a phrase 
made famous by Anne Case and Angus Deaton. And while Case and Deaton focused on 
the surge in deaths of despair among white, middle-aged Americans—their work 
became the social-science complement to J.D. Vance’s Hillbilly Elegy—more 
recent research <https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/38598247/>  shows that African 
Americans have caught up with their white contemporaries when it comes to 
overdose deaths. In 2022 alone, more Americans died of fentanyl overdoses 
<https://www.politifact.com/factchecks/2023/dec/19/nikki-haley/haley-is-correct-that-fentanyl-deaths-top-casualti/>
  than were killed in three major wars: Vietnam, Iraq, and Afghanistan.

The recent data on American mortality are shocking. Life expectancy has 
declined in the past decade in a way we do not see in comparable developed 
countries. The main explanations 
<https://nap.nationalacademies.org/catalog/25976/high-and-rising-mortality-rates-among-working-age-adults>
 , according to the National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine, 
are a striking increase in deaths due to drug overdoses, alcohol abuse, and 
suicide, and a rise in various diseases associated with obesity. To be precise, 
between 1990 and 2017 drugs and alcohol were responsible for more than 1.3 
million deaths 
<https://www.nationalacademies.org/ocga/testimony-before-congress/high-and-rising-mortality-rates-among-working-age-adults#:~:text=Drugs%20and%20alcohol%20were%20responsible%20for%20more%20than,in%20working-age%20mortality%2C%20and%20they%20continue%20to%20rise.>
  among the working-age population (aged 25 to 64). Suicide accounted for 
569,099 deaths—again of working-age Americans—over the same period. Metabolic 
and cardiac causes of death such as hypertension, type 2 diabetes, and coronary 
heart disease also surged in tandem with obesity. 

This reversal of life expectancy simply isn’t happening in other developed 
countries. 

Peter Sterling and Michael L. Platt argue in a recent paper 
<https://jamanetwork.com/journals/jamapsychiatry/fullarticle/2788767>  that 
this is because West European countries, along with the United Kingdom and 
Australia, do more to “provide communal assistance at every stage [of life], 
thus facilitating diverse paths forward and protecting individuals and families 
from despair.” In the United States, by contrast 
<https://www.acsh.org/news/2022/02/08/deaths-despair-16106> , “Every symptom of 
despair has been defined as a disorder or dysregulation within the individual. 
This incorrectly frames the problem, forcing individuals to grapple on their 
own,” they write. “It also emphasizes treatment by pharmacology, providing 
innumerable drugs for anxiety, depression, anger, psychosis, and obesity, plus 
new drugs to treat addictions to the old drugs.”

Obese? Try Ozempic.

The mass self-destruction of Americans captured in the phrase deaths of despair 
for years has been ringing a faint bell in my head. This week I remembered 
where I had seen it before: in late Soviet and post–Soviet Russia. While male 
life expectancy improved in all Western countries in the late twentieth 
century, in the Soviet Union it began to decline after 1965, rallied briefly in 
the mid-1980s, and then fell off a cliff in the early 1990s, slumping again 
after the 1998 financial crisis. The death rate among Russian men aged 35 to 
44, for example, more than doubled between 1989 and 1994. 

The explanation is as clear as Stolichnaya. In July 1994, two Russian scholars, 
Alexander Nemtsov and Vladimir Shkolnikov, published an article in the national 
daily newspaper Izvestia with the memorable title “To Live or to Drink?” 
Nemtsov and Shkolnikov demonstrated (in the words of a recent review article 
<https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC8607467/> ) “an almost perfect 
negative linear relationship between these two indicators.” All they were 
missing was a sequel—“To Live or to Smoke?”—as lung cancer was the other big 
reason Soviet men died young. A culture of binge drinking and chain-smoking was 
facilitated <https://link.springer.com/article/10.1057/s41294-021-00169-w>  by 
the dirt-cheap prices of cigarettes under the Soviet regime and the dirt-cheap 
prices of alcohol after the collapse of communism. 

The statistics are as shocking as the scenes I remember witnessing in Moscow 
and St. Petersburg in the late 1980s and early 1990s, which made even my native 
Glasgow seem abstemious. An analysis of 25,000 autopsies conducted in Siberia 
in 1990–2004 showed that 21 percent of adult male deaths due to cardiovascular 
disease involved lethal or near-lethal levels of ethanol in the blood. Smoking 
accounted for a staggering 26 percent of all male deaths in Russia in 2001. 
Suicides among men aged 50 to 54 reached 140 per 100,000 population in 
1994—compared with 39.2 per 100,000 for non-Hispanic American men aged 45 to 54 
in 2015. In other words, Case and Deaton’s deaths of despair are a kind of pale 
imitation of the Russian version 20 to 40 years ago. 

The self-destruction of homo sovieticus was worse. And yet is not the 
resemblance to the self-destruction of homo americanus the really striking 
thing?

Of course, the two healthcare systems look superficially quite different. The 
Soviet system was just under-resourced. At the heart of the American healthcare 
disaster, by contrast, is a huge mismatch between expenditure—which is 
internationally unrivaled relative to GDP—and outcomes, which are terrible. 
But, like the Soviet system as a whole, the U.S. healthcare system has evolved 
so that a whole bunch of vested interests can extract rents. The bloated, 
dysfunctional bureaucracy, brilliantly parodied by  
<https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VAfy26xs6e0> South Park 
<https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VAfy26xs6e0>  in a recent episode—is great for 
the nomenklatura <https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nomenklatura> , lousy for the 
proles.

Meanwhile, as in the late Soviet Union, the hillbillies—actually the working 
class and a goodly slice of the middle class, too—drink and drug themselves to 
death even as the political and cultural elite double down on a bizarre 
ideology that no one really believes in. 

 
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Muscovites queue at a liquor store to buy wine, limited to two bottles per 
person, on May 29, 1990. (Janek Skarzynski via Getty Images)

In the Soviet Union, the great lies were that the Party and the state existed 
to serve the interests of the workers and peasants, and that the United States 
and its allies were imperialists little better than the Nazis had been in “the 
great Patriotic War.” The truth was that the nomenklatura (i.e., the elite 
members) of the Party had rapidly formed a new class with its own often 
hereditary privileges, consigning the workers and peasants to poverty and 
servitude, while Stalin, who had started World War II on the same side as 
Hitler, utterly failed to foresee the Nazi invasion of the Soviet Union, and 
then became the most brutal imperialist in his own right.

The equivalent falsehoods in late Soviet America are that the institutions 
controlled by the (Democratic) Party—the federal bureaucracy, the universities, 
the major foundations, and most of the big corporations—are devoted to 
advancing hitherto marginalized racial and sexual minorities, and that the 
principal goals of U.S. foreign policy are to combat climate change and (as 
Jake Sullivan 
<https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2023/04/27/remarks-by-national-security-advisor-jake-sullivan-on-renewing-american-economic-leadership-at-the-brookings-institution/>
  puts it) to help other countries defend themselves “without sending U.S. 
troops to war.”

In reality, policies to promote “diversity, equity, and inclusion” do nothing 
to help poor minorities. Instead, the sole beneficiaries appear to be a horde 
of apparatchik DEI “officers.” In the meantime, these initiatives are clearly 
undermining educational standards, even at elite medical schools 
<https://www.thefp.com/p/how-americas-obsession-with-dei-is> , and encouraging 
the mutilation of thousands of teenagers in the name of “gender-affirming 
surgery <https://jamanetwork.com/journals/jamanetworkopen/fullarticle/2808707> 
.”

As for the current direction of U.S. foreign policy, it is not so much to help 
other countries defend themselves as to egg on others to fight our adversaries 
as proxies without supplying them with sufficient weaponry to stand much chance 
of winning. This strategy—most visible in Ukraine—makes some sense for the 
United States, which discovered in the “global war on terror” that its 
much-vaunted military could not defeat even the ragtag Taliban after twenty 
years of effort. But believing American blandishments may ultimately doom 
Ukraine, Israel, and Taiwan to follow South Vietnam and Afghanistan into 
oblivion. 

As for climate change, the world is now awash in Chinese electric vehicles, 
batteries, and solar cells, all mass-produced with the help of state subsidies 
and coal-burning power stations. At least we tried to resist the Soviet 
strategy of unleashing Marxism-Leninism on the Third World, the human cost of 
which was almost incalculable. Our policy elite’s preoccupation with climate 
change has resulted in utter strategic incoherence by comparison. The fact is 
that China has been responsible for three-quarters of the 34% increase in 
carbon dioxide emissions since Greta Thunberg’s birth (2003), and two-thirds of 
the 48% increase in coal consumption.

To see the extent of the gulf that now separates the American nomenklatura from 
the workers and peasants, consider the findings of a Rasmussen poll 
<https://committeetounleashprosperity.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/01/Them-vs-Us_CTUP-Rasmussen-Study-FINAL.pdf>
  from last September, which sought to distinguish the attitudes of the Ivy 
Leaguers from ordinary Americans. The poll defined the former as “those having 
a postgraduate degree, a household income of more than $150,000 annually, 
living in a zip code with more than 10,000 people per square mile,” and having 
attended “Ivy League schools or other elite private schools, including 
Northwestern, Duke, Stanford, and the University of Chicago.” 

Asked if they would favor “rationing of gas, meat, and electricity” to fight 
climate change, 89 percent of Ivy Leaguers said yes, as against 28 percent of 
regular people. Asked if they would personally pay $500 more in taxes and 
higher costs to fight climate change, 75 percent of the Ivy Leaguers said yes, 
versus 25 percent of everyone else. “Teachers should decide what students are 
taught, as opposed to parents” was a statement with which 71 percent of the Ivy 
Leaguers agreed, nearly double the share of average citizens. “Does the U.S. 
provide too much individual freedom?” More than half of Ivy Leaguers said yes; 
just 15 percent of ordinary mortals did. The elite were roughly twice as fond 
as everyone else of members of Congress, journalists, union leaders, and 
lawyers. Perhaps unsurprisingly, 88 percent of the Ivy Leaguers said their 
personal finances were improving, as opposed to one in five of the general 
population. 

 
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A food shop clerk standing by empty display counters amid shortages and 
economic reform price hikes in political turmoil–beset Moscow, USSR. (Sergei 
Guneyev via Getty Images)

A bogus ideology that hardly anyone really believes in, but everyone has to 
parrot unless they want to be labeled dissidents—sorry, I mean deplorables? 
Check. A population that no longer regards patriotism, religion, having 
children, or community involvement 
<https://www.wsj.com/articles/americans-pull-back-from-values-that-once-defined-u-s-wsj-norc-poll-finds-df8534cd>
  as important? Check. How about a massive disaster that lays bare the utter 
incompetence and mendacity that pervades every level of government? For 
Chernobyl, read Covid. And, while I make no claims to legal expertise, I think 
I recognize Soviet justice when I see—in a New York courtroom—the legal system 
being abused in the hope not just of imprisoning but also of discrediting the 
leader of the political opposition.

The question that haunts me is: What if China has learned the lessons of Cold 
War I better than we have? I fear that Xi Jinping has not only understood that, 
at all costs, he must avoid the fate of his Soviet counterparts. He has also, 
more profoundly, understood that we can be maneuvered into being the Soviets 
ourselves. And what better way to achieve that than to “quarantine” an island 
not too far from his coastline and then defy us to send a naval expedition to 
run the blockade, with the obvious risk of starting World War III? The worst 
thing about the approaching Taiwan Semiconductor Crisis is that, compared with 
the Cuban Missile Crisis of 1962, the roles will be reversed. Biden or Trump 
gets to be Khrushchev; XJP gets to be JFK. (Just watch him prepping the 
narrative, telling 
<https://www.ft.com/content/7d6ca06c-d098-4a48-818e-112b97a9497a>  European 
Commission President Ursula von der Leyen that Washington is trying to goad 
Beijing into attacking Taiwan.)

We can tell ourselves that our many contemporary pathologies are the results of 
outside forces waging a multi-decade campaign of subversion 
<https://www.thefp.com/p/ayaan-hirsi-ali-we-have-been-subverted> . They have 
undoubtedly tried, just as the CIA tried its best to subvert Soviet rule in the 
Cold War. 

Yet we also need to contemplate the possibility that we have done this to 
ourselves—just as the Soviets did many of the same things to themselves. It was 
a common liberal worry during the Cold War that we might end up becoming as 
ruthless, secretive, and unaccountable as the Soviets because of the exigencies 
of the nuclear arms race. Little did anyone suspect that we would end up 
becoming as degenerate as the Soviets, and tacitly give up on winning the cold 
war now underway.

I still cling to the hope that we can avoid losing Cold War II—that the 
economic, demographic, and social pathologies that afflict all one-party 
communist regimes will ultimately doom Xi’s “China Dream.” But the higher the 
toll rises of deaths of despair—and the wider the gap grows between America’s 
nomenklatura and everyone else—the less confident I feel that our own homegrown 
pathologies will be slower-acting. 

Are we the Soviets? Look around you.

 
<https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8cbdb754-5377-4694-8f3f-6dee7123ebe9_1336x24.png>
 

 
<https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F8cbdb754-5377-4694-8f3f-6dee7123ebe9_1336x24.png>
 

 

Niall Ferguson’s latest book is Doom 
<https://bookshop.org/p/books/doom-the-politics-of-catastrophe-niall-ferguson/15315170?ean=9780593297391>
 . Follow him on X @nfergus 
<https://x.com/nfergus?ref_src=twsrc%5Egoogle%7Ctwcamp%5Eserp%7Ctwgr%5Eauthor> 
. 

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