serbianmonitor.com<https://www.serbianmonitor.com/en/interview-with-dusan-dobromirov-where-are-you-going-serbia/> Interview with Dušan Dobromirov: Where are you going, Serbia? 10–12 minutes ________________________________
The collapse of a canopy at Novi Sad railway station when 16 people lost their lives led to turbulent events in Serbia over the past year, but also revealed how the construction of major state infrastructure projects functions, how contractors are chosen, and how public money ends up in private pockets. The Inquiry Commission into the responsibility for the collapse of the canopy at the railway station in Novi Sad has made a particularly significant contribution to this, and Dušan Dobromirov, a professor at the Faculty of Technical Sciences in Novi Sad and a member of the economic team of the Commission, speaks to Danas daily about their findings. The event that marked this year was the protests that emerged from the tragic collapse of the (railway station) canopy in Novi Sad. Is the Inquiry Commission a response to the behaviour of state institutions in this case? The Inquiry Commission was formed at the beginning of 2025 when it became clear that the authorities intended to cover up the case of the canopy collapse. Formed by proven experts in the fields of law, economics, civil engineering and media, the Commission set clear goals: to help find those responsible for the collapse of the canopy, to ensure that those responsible are prosecuted and receive deserved punishments, and to strip them of unlawfully acquired assets. The panicked reaction of the regime and different groups under its control showed us that we were doing the right thing. Accusations that the Inquiry Commission is an interest group began to come from various sides. The Commission really does have interests, and those are: truth, legality, justice and establishing a better and fairer society through systemic change. You presented your findings in both Belgrade and Brussels. What are the main economic conclusions of your investigation? When presenting the findings, the Inquiry Commission was cautious, ensuring that all findings could be backed up with appropriate documentation. The most significant conclusions are that the project was managed by an organised criminal group, that around 700 million euros were stolen from the citizens of Serbia through corruption, and that the participants in construction works were chosen based on problematic criteria, which led to poor-quality work. The economic sub-commission did not have access to financial documentation that is not publicly available, as these are data that belong to private companies. These documents consist of invoices and bank statements showing account changes and are available exclusively to official state bodies. The conclusions of the Economic sub-commission were based on comparative analysis and knowledge of business practices, which is why we always emphasised that our estimates are conservative and that the truth will be established when there is political will. What can be concluded from those notorious contract annexes, not only in the railway reconstruction but also in other construction projects worth billions of euros? The analysis of contract annexes showed that money was spent for purposes other than originally intended and that regulations were not followed. The arrogance and carelessness in drafting annexes can also be seen in other projects financed with state money, and this creates a long-term problem due to the selection of contractors. The issue of contractor selection reveals the extent of greed within the organised criminal group, as corrupt extraction of money from a project can exist even when work is carried out to an apparently adequate standard. To extract as much money as possible from the state budget through corruption, unskilled contractors were chosen, so it is no surprise that citizens regularly report major problems with new and reconstructed structures. To solve this problem and prevent more people from being harmed under some new canopies, a thorough review of construction undertakings by the ruling party will be needed. You also uncovered correspondence between ministers and members of the President’s office. What role did they have in this, and should they even have a place in implementing such projects? The correspondence was discovered in a large number of documents with which the regime planned to “bury” this scandal. Around 23,000 documents were published, and the idea was that this would discourage those who want to analyse the documentation. Even here, carelessness took its toll, and in that volume of documents, emails and other compromising evidence were missed. The Inquiry Commission presented proof to the public that projects like this were being run from the President’s office and that there was a clear hierarchy. On this basis, the Commission concluded that it was an organised criminal group motivated by corrupt theft. How does money used for these projects flow from public funds into private pockets? There are two ways of siphoning off money on such projects: payments under various fictitious consulting contracts abroad and the extraction of money in Serbia through an organised money-laundering network. It is highly likely that both methods were present in this project, and time will reveal all the mechanisms of this theft. When signing the publicly available loan agreement with China’s Exim Bank, it was stated that consultancy services would also be paid from the loan. We suspect that part of the funds was transferred to offshore “consulting” companies under the control of people in power in Serbia. That money ends up in private accounts. Another portion of the money comes into Serbia and is used to actually carry out the project, although here too a large share goes to corruption through inflated prices. The surplus from inflated prices is “washed”, with one part ending up in private pockets while the other is used to finance “projects” such as amusement parks or pre-election giveaways like washing machines. It will be easier to establish the facts about this part of public funds, of course, when conditions permit. How do you see the situation with the Petroleum Industry of Serbia (NIS)? Sanctions were introduced in January, with delays until November, and no solution is in sight, unless the Russians agree to a sale. The situation with NIS is exclusively a geopolitical issue, and Serbia will have to decide whether it will solve its energy dependence like other European states, or continue to insist on the narrative of eternal, unbreakable friendship with Russia at the cost of isolation and sanctions. The four pillars of Serbia’s foreign policy have become shortcomings, and there are no incentives. Factors that do not favour Serbia, which is caught between a hammer and an anvil, include uncertainty for around 14,000 employees at NIS, a fall in economic activity and the approach of spring agricultural work. Because of these problems, the Serbian regime will have to make a decision soon, with certain consequences for individuals in power. What could have been done earlier to avoid all this uncertainty and, ultimately, the shutdown of the refinery? Resolving the situation with NIS was treated as a problem that would resolve itself, by the major powers signing a peace agreement. Although trading in NIS shares on the Belgrade Stock Exchange was suspended in mid-January, no other measures followed that would have timely resolved the difficult situation Serbia currently faces. The question of the economic cost of buying out the Russian stake was never an unsolvable financial problem for the local authorities. That cost is approximately equal to the price of building three unnecessary football stadiums. A decision that will disappoint one of the great world powers should have been made earlier because, as time passes, the problems grow. What will the US Western Balkans Act mean for Serbia? The new US Western Balkans Act was not adopted as a temporary measure; the document outlines the perspective of the Western Balkans as part of the EU, free from the influence of Russia and China. The Act sets relatively short deadlines for the implementation of punitive measures against corrupt politicians and “agents of malign influence”. At the same time, the Act also addresses positive engagement in the Western Balkans, with a readiness on the part of the United States to assist in this process. Assistance and cooperation are envisaged in the fields of IT technologies, higher education, agriculture and infrastructure development. The issue of the emigration of young, educated people from the Western Balkans is identified as one of the key problems, and programmes for youth self-employment and the development of financial markets are planned in order to finance innovation more effectively. The Act also states that the United States will finance regional, multinational cooperation programmes. Serbia can take advantage of this development opportunity once certain conditions are met: energy independence, the rule of law, media freedom and, above all, tackling corruption. It is important to note that the Act, in its final sections, specifically addresses the issue of Kosovo. Together with a group of experts from various fields, you launched the campaign “Where are you going, Serbia?”, in which you visit towns across Serbia and talk to citizens. How are you received? Are people informed about the issues you talk to them about, which they probably have no opportunity to hear about in the media under regime control? We launched the campaign with a visit to Aleksandrovac on 17 December, and the impressions are outstanding. The reception was in line with traditional Serbian hospitality, and the public forum was very well attended. The citizens of Aleksandrovac are well informed about all developments in Serbia, but there is a sense among them that they cannot influence the situation. That is why it was important that the forum enabled dialogue with citizens who wanted the voice of ordinary people to be heard. The continuation of the campaign is planned for the second half of January, with visits to Niš and Knjaževac scheduled. Our goal is to visit as many municipalities in Serbia as possible, especially those where local elections are expected. (Danas, 31.12.2025) https://www.danas.rs/vesti/ekonomija/intervju-dusan-dobromirov-kuda-ides-srbijo/ -- http:www.antic.org --- You received this message because you are subscribed to the Google Groups "SERBIAN NEWS NETWORK" group. To unsubscribe from this group and stop receiving emails from it, send an email to [email protected]. To view this discussion visit https://groups.google.com/d/msgid/senet/PH0PR13MB544636D7D8A5D60CA3F1CBFAAEBAA%40PH0PR13MB5446.namprd13.prod.outlook.com.
