Ray McGovern is co-founder of Veteran Intelligence Professionals for Sanity 
(VIPS). During his 27-year career at CIA he was chief of the Soviet Foreign 
Policy Branch and prepared the President’s Daily Brief for Presidents Nixon, 
Ford, and Reagan. 

 

 

Putin Shuns Syrian ‘Quagmire’

March 15, 2016

 

Exclusive: Gambling that President Obama will cooperate in seeking peace for 
Syria, Russian President Putin called back much of Russia’s military force 
dispatched to Syria last fall, writes ex-CIA analyst Ray McGovern.

 

 

Russian President Vladimir Putin’s abrupt announcement that Russia would begin 
“the withdrawal of the main part” (?) of its military “contingent” from Syria 
has been widely seen not only as a welcome surprise, but also as a hopeful 
fillip to serious negotiations to end the carnage in what is left of that 
beleaguered country.

 

As always, a modicum of skepticism is warranted the “morning after,” but the 
pledge to pull out the bulk of the Russian force seems genuine and, at this 
writing, the withdrawal is already under way. Putin’s announcement appears to 
mark the beginning of the end of Russia’s key but limited military intervention 
– the game-changer 
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  that started on Sept. 30, 2015, with Russian air strikes that enabled the 
Syrian army to regain lost ground, sever jihadist supply lines to Turkey, and 
drive rebels from hundreds of towns and cities.

 

Putin was clear in noting the Russian military presence that will remain in 
Syria, but was not so clear on its future use: “Our naval base in Tartus and 
airbase at Khmeimim will operate ‘as usual’ (?). They are to be safely 
protected from land, sea, and air.”

 

This formulation presumably would allow for continued airstrikes on designated 
terrorist groups like the Islamic State and Al Qaeda’s Nusra Front, including 
during the current “cessation of hostilities” negotiated by the U.S. and 
Russia. (Putin’s phrasing may also be viewed as a warning against Turkey and/or 
Saudi Arabia not to act on recent threats to invade Syria.)

 

That said, many knowledgeable observers have expressed surprise that the 
partial cease-fire that went into effect on Feb. 27 has largely held. Plus, the 
rate of airstrikes reportedly has plunged since then.

 

A New Future

With all due respect to Yogi Berra’s dictum – “It’s tough to make predictions, 
especially about the future” – Putin’s withdrawal order constitutes Part II of 
the game-changer put in play five and a half innings ago last September. Thus, 
it is now doubly the case that “The future ain’t what it used to be.” In 
essence, the ball is now bouncing around in President Barack Obama’s infield.

 

A great deal will depend on whether he will risk incurring the wrath of 
“allies”-cum-wealthy-arms-customers like Saudi Arabia, Qatar and Israel, as 
well as unpredictable Turkey – an actual NATO ally (sans-quotation-marks), by 
applying unstinting pressure to get them to stop supporting terrorists in Syria.

 

On Monday, Putin said he considered the tasks given to the Russian defense 
ministry last September, “as a whole” (?) , fulfilled. He had defined those 
tasks 
<http://click.icptrack.com/icp/relay.php?r=107351866&msgid=942384&act=HT36&c=541249&destination=http%3A%2F%2Fthesaker.is%2Fanalysis-of-the-russian-military-pullout-from-syria%2F>
  on Oct. 11, 2015, on Russian TV: “Our objective is to stabilize the 
legitimate authority [in Syria] and create conditions for a political 
compromise.”

 

Russia’s armed intervention did strengthen the position of Syrian President 
Bashar al-Assad, but – not surprisingly – political compromise toward peace 
remains elusive. Still, the altered circumstances have advanced the peace 
process, in part, because Moscow’s intervention last fall was met with a 
clear-headed response from President Barack Obama, who chose to see a 
glass-half-full in Russia’s intervention.

 

It was no secret that one key Russian aim was to rescue Assad from a possible 
defeat at the hands of the jihadist “Army of Conquest” freshly armed by Saudi 
Arabia and Turkey, including with U.S.-made TOW missiles. But even benighted 
White House advisers seemed able to discern that the devil-they-knew (Assad) 
might be preferable to the cutthroats of Islamic State (also known as ISIS or 
ISIL) or Al Qaeda’s affiliate, Nusra Front.

 

To his credit, Obama bet on the possibility that Russian airstrikes would also 
help thwart further ISIS gains and perhaps even help lead to serious 
negotiations. Thus, Obama instructed Secretary of State John Kerry to (1) forgo 
the poison-pill “Assad-must-go” precondition to talks on Syria’s future; (2) 
set a place for Iran at the table; and (3) collaborate closely with Russian 
Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov, to “deconflict” airstrikes over Syria and 
redouble efforts to get serious negotiations under way.

 

With uncommon speed, a meeting attended by representatives of 19 regional and 
global powers (including Iran) was held in Vienna on Oct. 30, 2015, one month 
after the Russian airstrikes began; on Dec. 18, the UN Security Council 
unanimously approved a road map and timeline for talks on Syria; and on Feb. 1, 
2016, indirect talks between Syrian government and opposition leaders took 
place in Geneva, mediated by UN Special Envoy for Syria, Staffan de Mistura.

 

Those Geneva talks made zero progress; they were quickly suspended and 
resumption was put off for several weeks. They got under way again on Monday, 
which was not only the day Putin chose to announce the Russian withdrawal, but 
also the day that unarmed street protests broke out five years ago in Syria and 
were cruelly crushed by Assad’s security apparatus.

 

Will Talks Make Progress?

 

Just as Moscow’s military intervention put Assad back on his feet, the Russian 
pullout is likely now to make him wobblier, and Moscow may hope the withdrawal 
will put additional pressure on him to be more willing to compromise. One 
positive sign has come from those Syrian opposition leaders who have already 
voiced cautious praise for the Russian withdrawal.

 

The telephone conversation between President Obama and President Putin on 
Monday evening suggests that they remain willing to build on the cessation of 
hostilities and lean on their respective clients to negotiate in good faith, 
even though the obstacles remain formidable.

 

For example, Foreign Minister Lavrov had this to say on Monday about the 
resumption of the talks in Geneva: “The work is not easy; it is yet to be 
understood how all these groups [taking part in the intra-Syrian talks] could 
gather at the same table together … but the process has gotten under way, and 
it is in our common interests to make it sustainable and irreversible.”

 

And according to the Russian news agency TASS, President Assad has told 
President Putin by telephone that he is ready to start a political process in 
Syria as soon as possible and that he hoped that eventual full-scale 
UN-mediated talks between Syrian government and opposition representatives in 
Geneva would produce concrete results.

 

A Calculated Decision

 

Putin is gambling that the interested parties – first and foremost, the U.S. – 
will put the heat on those over whom they have influence to make the cessation 
of hostilities stick and cooperate in thwarting the aims and actions of ISIS 
and Al Qaeda.

 

Russia’s decision on a troop pullout having been unilateral, Putin retains the 
option to reinsert Russian forces should the gamble fail. It seems clear that 
he would prefer not to have to do that. And he is unlikely to do that, short of 
a rapidly growing threat from terrorists, trained and equipped for violence in 
Syria, returning to stir up trouble in Russia.

 

Putin is acutely aware of quagmires. The Soviet Union got bogged down in one in 
Afghanistan and, of course, he has watched what he calls “partners” get stuck 
there as well – not to mention Iraq, or Syria, or Libya – much less Vietnam. 
Last October, when President Obama and Secretary Kerry chose to warn Putin 
about quagmires, I can imagine the look on the Russian President’s face.

 

The Russian withdrawal bespeaks an understanding that risky gambles are less to 
be feared than quagmires – the more so since Moscow lacks one of its 
“partner’s” seemingly inexhaustible source of funding for its military 
escapades that result in quagmires. Indeed, Moscow has already announced a five 
percent cutback in military spending for this year.

 

Typically, when responding to provocations (like the February 2014 coup in 
Ukraine) from “partners,” as well as to other dangers to Russia’s security 
interests, Putin has displayed a notable penchant for heeding dicta more 
contemporary than those of Yogi Berra. One of them seems to be President 
Obama’s favorite motto: “Don’t do stupid stuff.”

 

Ray McGovern is co-founder of Veteran Intelligence Professionals for Sanity 
(VIPS). During his 27-year career at CIA he was chief of the Soviet Foreign 
Policy Branch and prepared the President’s Daily Brief for Presidents Nixon, 
Ford, and Reagan.  

 

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