http://www.chroniclesmagazine.org/News/Trifkovic/NewsST100302.html
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SERBIAN ELECTION
by Srdja Trifkovic

October 3, 2002 

The current president of the soon-to-be-defunct Yugoslav Federation,
Vojislav Kostunica, has won the initial stage of Serbia's presidential
elections, the first held since the fall of Slobodan Milosevic almost
exactly two years ago. Kostunica garnered 31 percent of the vote, with
Miroljub Labus--the "pro-Western, reformist" candidate supported by the
"international community"--coming in second at 28 percent and the
nationalist veteran Vojislav Seselj unexpectedly winning 22 percent.
Kostunica will face Labus in a runoff on October 13.

The turnout, estimated at 56 percent, was low, partly because of
unseasonably miserable weather. Since voter turnout in Serbia is
traditionally lower by 10 to 15 percentage points in the second round,
less than one half of all registered voters (the constitutional
threshold for a valid election) will likely vote in the runoff. If that
happens, Serbia will be plunged into a constitutional crisis. If the
whole electoral cycle were to be repeated, it is uncertain that a
greater number of Serbia's impoverished and disillusioned voters could
be induced to go to the polls.

This would be good news for Zoran Djinjic, Serbia's kleptocratic prime
minister Labus's mentor, who fears that Kostunica would call an early
parliamentary election if elected, thus depriving Djinjic of the mandate
that he won thanks to Kostunica's endorsement in December 2000, in the
aftermath of Milosevic's downfall.

This would be bad news for the nation, however. "My heart hopes that
we'll have a winner, my mind is telling me that the second round will
fail," says a senior Western diplomat in Belgrade. "With the ongoing
ambiguity in Montenegro and the unending mess in Kosovo, we are not
getting any nearer to real solutions."

It is somewhat ironic that both Kostunica and Labus still occupy their
posts. This reflects the general lack of confidence in the proposed
rearrangement of the Yugoslav federation under the European Union's
tutelage, which should be completed by the end of the year.

Some Western analysts noted that the combined vote for "nationalist
candidates" (Kostunica and Seselj, as well as Arkan's heirs, who won
just under five percent) exceeded two thirds of the vote and deemed it
alarming: Serbia stubbornly refuses to be "de-Nazified." They do not
mention that Labus's defeat was even more significant in light of the
massive support he received from the entire media. Serbia's television
and press are admittedly more flashy than a few years ago--Politika,
under its new German ownership, has color photos on the front page--but
they are also more depressingly uniform ("transition," "free market,"
"international community," "reforms," "entering Europe," etc.) and more
rigorously guided by Djindjic's cronies than at any time under
Milosevic. The pro-Labus bias of Serbia's state television and a dozen
leading national and regional "independent" channels supported by
Western NGO money (Studio B, B-92,
etc.) was sometimes embarrassing, often tasteless, and always blatant.
The source of the massive funding for the Labus campaign remains
unknown, but it is unlikely to have come from domestic in sources.

The U.S. ambassador in Belgrade, William Montgomery, who now acts like
an imperial proconsul in an unimportant but subservient satrapy, was
another Labus aficionado. (His lecture on Serbian politics at the U.S.
Institute of Peace in Washington, D.C., last summer was filled with the
kind of anti-Kostunica rhetoric that would have warranted a quick recall
if a "real" country had been in question.) The continuing preference of
the Bush administration for Djindjic's camp, however, is puzzling. As
James Jatras, former senior analyst with the U.S. Senate Republican
Policy Committee, noted recently,

"However justified Washington's preferences might have been in the past,
they have long since become anachronistic in the post-9/11 era. Today
American priorities must mean weeding out radical Islamic and organized
crime elements in the Balkans with al-Qaeda links, and protecting the
security of U.S. and allied forces. Here Serbia is not part of the
problem but--under the right leadership--can become a significant part
of the solution. . . . Far more important to U.S. interests than hauling
the next indictee to the Hague would be Belgrade's following Bucharest's
example in agreeing to exempt American personnel on Serbian soil from
the International Criminal Court."

Working with Serbian enlightened patriotism, rather than crushing it, is
a far more promising path to solid security and economic integration
into the Western community, Jatras concludes: "The same factors of moral
stature and personal integrity--including strong support in the Church
and the Army--that made Kostunica the only candidate in 2000 with a
possibility of unseating Milosevic should today make him Washington's
preferable prospective president of Serbia."

It should, but it did not. The results, nevertheless, indicated the
limits of propaganda. In the end, it was the tangible effect of Labus's
IMF-dictated brand of shock therapy--two thirds of Serbia's eight
million people are at or below poverty level--and his perceived link
with the hugely unpopular Zoran Djindjic that outweighed Western
agitprop.

The real trouble for Serbia is that, even if Kostunica is elected on
October 13, he may be unable to halt the collapse of Serbia's economy
and society, which was already under way before the anti-Milosevic
popular revolt on October 5, 2000, thanks to the joint efforts of the
old neocommunist regime and the Clinton administration; by now, it may
be irreversible, unless a strong leader emerges who can inspire the
nation and confront the kleptocrats. Kostunica's inability to do so thus
far, his good intentions and personal integrity notwithstanding, is as
disheartening to the nation he should lead as it was predictable to
those who know him.






                                       Serbian News Network - SNN
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                                        http://www.antic.org/

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