Toke Up Marijuana Laws

http://www.campusprogress.org/fieldreport/4638/toke-up-marijuana-laws

California has four possible paths for ending marijuana 
criminalization this year. But can activists agree on a way to end 
the ineffective policy?

By Rachel Antony-Levine
October 5, 2009

Half of all graduating high school seniors have tried an illegal 
drug, according to a survey funded in large part by the National 
Institute on Drug Abuse and the National Institutes of Health. This 
means that one in two Millennial generation high school graduates 
(ages 18 to 29) could technically be classified as criminals, many 
smoking pot­committing their first crime­before finishing high school.

Marijuana may have become a cultural rite of passage, but it is 
non-white citizens who disproportionately pay the price for 
marijuana's continued classification as an illegal drug. Those who 
end up going to jail are predominately young black men, even though, 
according to the federal Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services 
Administration, African Americans aged 18 to 25 use marijuana at 
rates lower than whites. According to the Center on Juvenile and 
Criminal Justice (CJCJ), the overall arrest rate in California sank 
by 40 percent since 1996, but marijuana arrests have increased by 127 
percent. The number of marijuana arrests of non-white citizens also 
rose from 3,100 in 1990 to 16,300 in 2008. People of all ages and 
ethnicities smoke weed, but it is young people of color that are 
disproportionately paying the price. The astounding rate at which the 
United States has incarcerated people since the 1970s for marijuana 
charges is sobering.

These facts reflect a reality that our country is confronting: the 
failure of the drug war. Gil Kerlikowske, head of the White House 
Office of National Drug Control Policy, even called for an end to the 
"war on drugs" in May.

Recently, however, California has been discussing four (count 'em, 
four!) options for legalizing marijuana. Though drug policy reform 
organizations generally agree that passage of any one of these 
initiatives would be a positive and necessary step, the ways in which 
these bills differ bring the nuts and bolts of legalization into the 
limelight. Some activists are confused and divided about which 
initiative to support, or how adequate the proposed systems of 
regulation are in the proposed initiatives.

There is also a question of timing. Polling in the state has shown 
that 56 percent of Californians favor legalization. But some in the 
legalization movement believe that, to ensure a greater chance of 
success, the number in support of legalization should be higher 
before pushing legalization initiatives. Drug Policy Alliance 
California director Stephen Gutwillig explains the concern in this 
way: "The idea is that a defeat could set the movement back quite a 
bit. We don't yet know if that's true."

Aaron Smith, California policy director of the Marijuana Policy 
Project, says, "It's an issue of limited resources. Running a 
campaign like this could cost a lot of money." If California's 
opinion on legalizing marijuana is growing exponentially more 
positive every year (much as California's opinion of same-sex 
marriage is), then waiting just a year or two could ensure the 
passage of a marijuana legalization initiative, and some activists 
believe it might be a smarter use of resources to wait. The target 
for the movement could be 2012, when more progressive and youth 
voters are expected to come out to the polls on a presidential 
election year. Apart from the timing issue, serious questions over 
differences among the four initiatives remain.

Both Marijuana Policy Project (MPP) and Drug Policy Alliance (DPA) 
have been working closely with California Assemblymember Tom Ammiano 
on his bill, introduced to the state legislature in February. Ammiano 
has been active in California politics since the mid-'70s when, as 
one of the first openly gay school teachers in the country, he worked 
with San Francisco Supervisor Harvey Milk on fighting an initiative 
that would have allowed districts to fire teachers because they were gay.

Ammiano's bill calls for an end to penalties for possession, 
cultivation, or selling of cannabis for anyone 21 years of age or 
older. The bill also grants the right for all adults to grow up to 10 
mature plants on their own property. Ammiano's bill and its 
amendments will be discussed at a public health hearing in the 
California legislature on Oct. 28.

Additionally, a voter initiative was announced by Oakland resident 
and business owner Richard Lee in the months following the 
introduction of Ammiano's bill. The initiative is known internally as 
the "Oaksterdam Initiative." Lee is also the founder of Oaksterdam 
University, the first cannabis college in the United States. The 
school offers classes and workshops to prepare individuals for the 
booming "marijuana industry" in California.

Richard Lee's ballot initiative, called the Regulate, Control, and 
Tax Cannabis Act of 2010, would decriminalize possession of less than 
an ounce of marijuana as well as personal cultivation of up to 25 
square feet of marijuana plants. Lee's initiative would also leave 
the current penalties for all other marijuana-related crimes in 
place, and would leave the details of regulation and taxation up to 
individual counties and cities in California. This could essentially 
lead to the equivalent of "wet" counties and "dry" counties in 
California, potentially making things complicated for California 
courts. But Lee feels that because the vast majority of marijuana 
arrests are for simple possession, it might save the state millions 
in court and prison costs, and boost state revenues through taxes.

Another voter ballot initiative, put forth by Omar Figueroa, a lawyer 
who specializes in marijuana cases, is very different than Lee's or 
Ammiano's proposals. Figueroa's initiative would remove all state 
penalties related to marijuana, effective retroactively. This could 
release those currently serving a sentence in California for a 
marijuana-related crime. Figueroa was working with Lee on the 
Regulate, Control, and Tax Cannabis Act until he split off over 
disagreements of whether to take on state law and created his own initiative.

The fourth initiative has been introduced by activist and veteran 
John Donohue, who is from Long Beach, California. Donohue's 
initiative is called the Common Sense Act of 2010 and would also 
repeal state laws that make it illegal to distribute, possess, 
cultivate, or transport marijuana; it also mandates local governments 
set up regulation and tax structures but allows them to determine how 
much, if at all, they want to tax marijuana use. The initiative would 
also bar state and local governments from using funds to enforce laws 
prohibiting marijuana-related offenses.

Both Gutwillig and Smith say that any change that moves California 
further away from marijuana prohibition is a good step. However, both 
the MPP and the DPA seem to be waiting to see what ends up on the 
ballot in January before they decide to help campaign for one 
initiative over another. Lee's initiative is thought by Gutwillig and 
Smith to be the one that has the most resources, funds, and support 
to make it onto the ballot. And while some activists believe the 
timing isn't quite right to push for legalization yet, others argue 
that while they delay, thousands more will be arrested for something 
California voters no longer think is wrong.

Lee's initiative, though it seems likely to make it the furthest, 
does leave some things to be desired. If the goal is reducing the 
number of arrests, Lee's initiative will certainly help. But others 
worry that leaving the penalties in place for other marijuana crimes 
beyond possession of an ounce or less will leave many "criminals" in 
the supply chain. Activists fear illegal activities under Lee's 
initiative will fall on the underprivileged that resort to illegal 
activities in the face of inequality. "I'd personally rather see that 
legalization happen at the state level so that we have the same 
policy in Fresno that we do in San Francisco," Smith says.

And many questions about how to effectively deal with 
decriminalization will be left up to California if any of the four 
initiatives actually make it into law. "The problem is that no one 
knows yet what a good regulatory policy [on marijuana] looks like," 
Gutwillig says. "We just want to see legalization happen as quickly 
and effectively as possible."
--

Rachel Antony-Levine is a junior at University of Massachusetts.

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