[2 articles]

Mad Men world makes the '60s feel new

http://www.thestar.com/article/839568--mad-men-world-makes-the-60s-feel-new

Hit show takes us to unfamiliar territory in the heart of the ad game

Jul 23 2010
By Geoff Pevere

Of all the reasons one might offer for the epidemically gripping nature of AMC's Mad Men, which begins its feverishly anticipated fourth season Sunday night, the best and simplest might be this: the more time you spend with its characters ­ all of whom orbit, like blinking Sputniks, around the Manhattan advertising industry of the early 1960s ­ the less you know.

Take Don Draper (Jon Hamm), the show's nominal leading man, driving dramatic concern, beleaguered moral conscience and rogue B-52 sexual threat. Although smoulderingly charismatic and fortified by a teasingly doled-out back story concerning his impoverished childhood, shattering combat experiences, assumed identity and pathological inability to reveal any more of himself than a situation demands, Draper, a brilliant ad man, remains a shimmering cipher.

If anything, his past confirms only that he's capable of anything, a tightrope walker inching the wobbly line between supreme control and animal impulse. And therefore the program's desert-silo atomic secret.

There's power there. The question is, how much? And how will it be unleashed?

This climate of sustained, mathematically calibrated uncertainty not only makes for compelling television ­ and Mad Men, if nothing else, is one captivating TV show ­ it also taps something that runs through the program like a energy-generating undercurrent. By making its early '60s ad man hero (and his world) so vividly yet humanly unaccountable, Mad Men is up to something remarkable. It's making the 1960s feel new again.

Remember that when Bob Dylan first sang about a-changin' times, he did not know what they were a-changin' into. And it is this sense of suspended hindsight, of lives being lived in the intimacy of present moment, that Mad Men nails.

Making this most prepackaged of decades unfold is no mean feat and it is unsurprising that it has riveted, among a few million others, the attention of American political historian Rick Perlstein.

Perlstein's two celebrated epic volumes tracking the rise of conservatism in his country ­ Before the Storm: Barry Goldwater and Unmaking of the American Consensus and Nixonland: The Rise of a President and the Fracturing of America ­ converge with Mad Men. They see the decade freshly and without prior judgment, bringing it alive in startlingly fresh forms.

For Perlstein, the most conspicuous omission in popular thinking about the '60s is the rise of the right. As he writes in Before the Storm, "America would remember the sixties as a decade of the left. It must be remembered instead as a decade when the polarization began."

The surge of conservatism, as embodied by the candidacy of hardliner Barry Goldwater in 1964, is every bit as rooted in the period as was the emergence of the countercultural left. The decade split the country along lines so divisive that it made Richard Nixon's return from political limbo possible, the ascendancy of Ronald Reagan understandable and the neoconservative-driven administration of George W. Bush inevitable. For Perlstein, too many histories of the era have only told half the story. Unfortunately, it's not the half that fully accounts for the present.

"I think a lot of this is generational," says Perlstein, who is at work on a history of the 1970s called The Invisible Bridge, from his home in Chicago.

"I was born in 1969 and I had an editor once who observed that people are often most fascinated with the period right before they were born, that kind of formed their parents' identities," he said. "I have parents who were married on August 2, 1964, the day of the first Gulf of Tonkin attack. My dad was a single man in Washington in 1963, a navy bureaucrat when the Kennedy assassination happened. And a big part of kind of my own existential quest is to figure out who these people are to figure out who I am myself."

Like Mad Men creator Matthew Weiner, who was born in 1965 and whose experience of the decade would therefore be primarily second-hand, Perlstein belongs to the generations considering '60s from an detached perspective.

Other recent works in a similar light include the Coen Brothers' A Serious Man, which revisits the classic issue of suburban conformity as a Jewish male mid-life crack-up; Sam Mendes's adaptation of Richard Yates's 1960 novel Revolutionary Road (which renders the book's harrowing study of marital implosion as a 21st-century Who's Afraid of Virginia Woolf); and Tom Ford's film of Christopher Isherwood's A Single Man, first published in 1964, which views the period through the guarded, poignantly repressed horn rims of a grieving gay man.

In each case, the story is viewed through a contemporary social prism ­ middle-class Jewish identity, feminism, gay consciousness ­ that permits a fresh perspective on lives lived before such clarity even existed.

To appreciate what's a-changed here, consider the way in which the 1960s experience has tended to transmitted through Boomer-generated media. For the most part, the decade has been seen as a struggle between virtuous, if naïve, youth culture in collision with the intolerant, and inarguably oppressive, values of the parent generation.

In protesting Vietnam, practising free love, trancing to psychedelic rock, crying over the Kennedys and marching shoulder to shoulder with every group ­ blacks, feminists, antiwar demonstrators, gays ­ a generation looks back through the lens of vindication.

It is this perspective that defines nearly half of the movies of Oliver Stone (Platoon, Born on the Fourth of July, The Doors), any movie or documentary concerning The Beatles, anything bearing the Rolling Stone imprimatur and any mainstream media event marking yet another boomer-era milestone: the Beatles' first U.S. Tour, the Kennedy assassination, Woodstock, rock star-death anniversaries, the debut of Star Trek.

For a historian such as Perlstein, these are the kind of myths that cling to a generation that was galvanized during a period. The boomers don't just want to understand their past, they want to make a story out of it, one with dramatic shape and coherence. That process is selective, and it inevitably undergoes re-examination as new generations look back.

Asked what he considers to be the most predominant and persistent myths clinging to the 1960s, Perlstein responds: "I think one of the most persistent and misleading myths was that most of the violence in the '60s came from the left. Not so. It was actually pretty evenly divided between the left-wing extremists and right-wing extremists. Also, the idea that it was fun, that it was enjoyable. I think, for most people, the period was actually quite traumatic. And the fact that America has never really sort of reckoned quite honestly with that trauma is a lot of what the current backlash is about."

As the very idea of who speaks for the past is handed ­ or just falls ­ from one generation to another, both the voice and the story change. The result is a story that isn't tied to, as Perlstein calls them, "veterans of a certain part of the '60s. People who had been in the left and counterculture, baby boomers, who had told the story from engagement to disillusionment. That was kind of the big sweep of the story."

But for Perlstein, a young liberal confronted by the ubiquity of the hard right during the 1990s, it was obviously only part of the story.

"I was fascinated with where these conservatives had come from in the middle of the '90s when I was watching the rise of Newt Gingrich," he recalls. "And the idea that there are million of Americans who live alongside me, so to speak, who see the world completely differently than I do as a liberal, was fascinating."

Perlstein suspected there was another tale out there, one that, for whatever reasons, had not been fully written.

"It was obvious to me as a person in my 20s in the 1980s," he says, "as I was coming into adulthood, that the dominant political story of the '60s was the rise of the right. Generationally, right when I was kind of looking to tell a big story, that was the big story that was out there to be told."

As Weiner most likely would, Perlstein strenuously resists the idea that his pursuit of the "big story" of the '60s was motivated by a generational agenda. In what he calls his "existential quest" to figure out who he was and how the past shaped his present, he tracked the story of America's second great civil war: the one that pitched conservatives and liberals in a cultural battle of traumatic proportions, the fault lines of which still crack the country at the seams.

His is really the story over whose voice would prevail in defining America's self-identity, the nation's own "existential quest" that finds its most enigmatic and revealing pop culture corollary in the grey-flannel figure of Don Draper.

Draper, not in any way incidentally, is an ad man, licensed to understand and exploit people's ideals, secret desires and fantasy projections of who they wish to be. As well as his psychological state, duality is Draper's stock in trade. Like the politicians examined by Perlstein, he's a myth peddler. In advertising as in politics, he who pitches the best myth wins.

While Perlstein is struck by Mad Men's handling of such issues as the emergence of feminist consciousness, the rise of youth culture and the almost imperceptible way in which culture changes ­ what he calls "the fidelity with which they capture the texture of why the first week of April of 1963 was different from the last week of April of 1963" ­ Draper's crisis is what Perlstein describes as the series' "most intimate story."

"But that's also a historical story," he adds, "because if you look at the social criticism of the era ­ The Man in the Gray Flannel Suit, The Organization Man, David (The Lonely Crowd) Riesman's work on other-directed, inner-directed men ­ the idea that, let me put this quite precisely, the ideal that society provided for a successful man turned out to kind of ring false on a kind of existential level."

This is the key to both Draper and the decade in which he exists: they are trying to find themselves as they go along. They're making it up in real time. They do not know what we know, and our fascination springs from this sense of inevitability deferred. The mythologies do not apply because they do not yet exist. The '60s rendered in Mad Men isn't The Sixties yet.

In describing the most profound achievement of Mad Men's take on this most over-mythologized period of the past American century so simply, Perlstein might also be referring to his own approach to writing history:

"It has a point of view. It's telling a story about this period. It's not trying to be the story of the period."

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The Real 'Mad Men' Behind the '60s Ad Revolution

http://www.newsweek.com/2010/07/15/the-real-life-mad-men-behind-the-60s-ad-revolution.html

The author of a new book talks about the cultural landscape that transformed the advertising industry in the early 1960s.

7/15/2010

Mad Men, AMC's critically acclaimed drama about the advertising men who ruled Madison Avenue in the 1960s (and the women who worked and lived with them), is coming back for its fourth season on July 25. Apart from making '60s fashion and décor stylish again, the show offers a fascinating take on how some of the 20th century's biggest brands became what they are today. In her new book, Mad Men Unbuttoned: A Romp Through 1960s America, blogger Natasha Vargas-Cooper took a look at the real men behind the '60s ad revolution and the cultural landscape that influenced them. She spoke with NEWSWEEK's Isia Jasiewicz about what Don Draper can teach us about advertising and the media now.

What is it about the advertising business of the 1960s that appeals so much to television viewers now?

What you're seeing in Mad Men, and what you see at Sterling Cooper [the fictional agency where creative director Don Draper and his cohorts worked through the season-three finale], any time that Don pitches a campaign, [it's] actually part of a creative revolution. In Don's work we see the idea that advertising should be less about arguing the virtues of a product and more about having some sort of emotional connection to it. In the '60s, that was a new idea. Part of watching the show and part of its fun is to know that Don knows what he's talking about. The trends that were set in those boardrooms and the way that advertising was talked about then is really how it is now.

What was it about the cultural moment of the 1960s that allowed for this creative revolution?

It was a transitional moment in history, which is always really good for culture and really bad for everybody else. So what you have in Mad Men is the twilight of the Eisenhower era, right before the counterculture youth quake. Also, you're coming out of the Second World War. So men are exhausted, men have gone to battle, but we've come out victorious. Now, part of the deal is to live the life you want to live, by having the house in the suburbs and also by exercising freedom as a consumer. Essentially, at that moment, we became citizens last and consumers first. You go to places with less of a consumer culture, like Latin America or Russia, and they actually have not taken that next step with advertising. It's still somebody arguing the virtues of a product. But in the '60s in America, ad men cut the fat on copy to make it about an emotional reaction to the product. Now, sometimes you don't even realize you're looking at an ad because it's like looking at a work of art.

Speaking of art, at Sterling Cooper, we see two different types of ad men: pure businessmen, like Pete Campbell, and artistic visionaries, like Don Draper. How did art and business interact in '60s advertising?

In season three of Mad Men, Sterling Cooper merges with a British ad agency called Putnam, Powell and Lowe. In history, that's the David Ogilvy school, which you can think of as something like a Ford assembly line. Ogilvy, who was British, taught that there are specific things you can do to make your ad good, like never use more than 150 words in the descriptive text; have some cheeky headline but no puns; don't be too clever; upsell, always upsell; don't meet them where they're at, meet them where they want to be. The idea is get as big as you can get by following a formula. Other people in the ad industry called Ogilvy a traitor of the creative class, a businessman's ad man, because in his work there was no heart; it was all a kind of science. Don, on the other hand, represents the Chicago school of advertising, also known as [the] Leo Burnett school of advertising. Burnett came up with the Marlboro man and the Pillsbury Doughboy and is known as one of the greatest ad men of the era. His approach was to speak with a mother tongue. Instead of upselling the client, the notion is to beam back at them who they are so they trust you. What history has proven is that that little vanguard of Leo Burnett and David Ogilvy, even though they had different tactics, both had it right: don't argue, influence. Don't be a huckster, be a tastemaker. That is still what is considered good advertising, and it's what makes us buy things.

The structure of your book­a loose collection of essays on related ideas­suggests that business, consumerism, art, and politics were all completely entwined during this time.

I tried to re-create the cultural matrix at the time, because things that you don't think would influence each other are actually reactions to the same cultural force in history…While you did have Marlboro man and you had this whole essay that appeared with it, ultimately it was just that picture of the Marlboro man. With the Volkswagen campaign, it was "think small." If you look in fashion at the same time, you have men's suits getting narrower, dropping one button, thin ties, flattered trousers. You can say one of the reasons why that happened was that, coming out of the Second World War, there's no room for [flourishes]. The same thing happened in women's clothing: all of a sudden you can see women's waists. Everybody's thinking, "We just got out of this crisis; let's come out of it with less baggage." So the trend at the time in advertising was similar, going toward a kind of wry minimalism.

You have made a lot of your career as a blogger. Clearly, for us today as for the ad men of the '60s, the proliferation of new media platforms and their impact are a key concern. What did the growth of television advertising mean for the 1960s, and what can the experience of the '60s teach us about dealing with new media today?

In the '60s, [TV] commercial advertising was nascent. It was really the '70s when things kick off. But what you can see in Mad Men is what everyone's attitude toward television is. If in conversations the characters are resistant to taking their commercials seriously, you know that they're not going to last. I think what they have to do­and what we have to do with new media now­is play to the strengths of the medium. With advertising in magazines, the strength of the medium is that you have an ability to have beautiful lush photography and some text at the bottom. With billboards, you have an ability to surprise people. With TV, you have an ability to show movement. In terms of the Internet and how companies use it now, I think you want to play to the strengths of it. One strength is that online advertising is instant­there's instant gratification. If you have a good ad up, you should have a button to click on the product immediately so that there's no thinking.

Though the men at Sterling Cooper are the ones who call the shots, the women are often the ones pulling the strings. How was the business world changing for women in the 1960s?

You have this very interesting moment right before the women's liberation movement. What that means is that these women, who are established in the workforce in their mid-30s, are going to get really angry. What was happening in '61, '62 was that men were now established back at home, but there was that taste in the air of what women's complete independence felt like during the war. As you have women entering the workforce, the expectations all get a little scrambled. Once women have access to money, to wages, and to consumer power, what leverage do men have at that point? I think what happened was the population advanced way quicker than the culture was ready to adapt. That's why you get a sexual revolution, that's why you get rebellion. You are still kind of existing under an Eisenhower patriarchy, which does not work when you have women in the workforce who have spending power and want to get laid and have the pill.

Season four will most likely place the men and women of Sterling Cooper Draper Pryce in the fall of 1964. What can we expect to see happen to the cultural and business landscape of America in the coming season?

One of the big things that happened at the beginning of that year was that the surgeon general came out and said that smoking is bad for you, which had never been said by the government. Then the Federal Trade Commission comes out and says, during the summer, that there needs to be a warning on every pack. Seeing as how Sterling Cooper Draper Pryce's one big account is Lucky Strike, I think that's going to cause some trouble for them. They'll have to come up with a whole other ideology to effectively market cigarettes. Also, by 1964 Beatlemania is in full tilt­rock and roll has landed! I think if they're smart, [characters like] Pete Campbell or Peggy will say that it will be financially lucrative to start selling lunchboxes instead of cigarettes, because if there's anything we know now, it's that the tween market is not to be underestimated.

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