Victor, I fail to see from the Douglas quote from
1948 that he was saying "there is no point discussing
Social Credit or techniques particularly relating to
the financial proposals of Social Credit with anyone
who does not share the same philosophy."  He may have
said it but he didn't say it here.

I'll insert some commentary relating to the way I
interpret his comments below:

***>
There is a certain body of opinion which is under the
impression that we have abandoned the financial
aspect of Social Credit. In this connection, we are
reminded of a pungent criticism made some years ago,
that the great disadvantage under which the Social
Credit movement then laboured, was that it was
largely composed of Socialists who wanted
nationalisation of banking.
<***

Today it--at any rate what remains of it--is largely
composed of greenbackers who would have government
spend all money into circulation, which of course
would mean centralized, omnipotent government.  John
Hargrave was in this category, except he would have
allowed some of the money to be paid as dividends
directly to consumers in addition to the money spent
directly by government, which would have meant that
the dividends would have been paid by the good graces
of those in control of government.  Michael Rowbotham
is in this category.  James Robertson is in this
category.  Greenbackerism is not necessarily fascism
but can easily lead to fascism without a great deal
of carefully thought out checks and balances.
Historically, there were first the Graingers, then
the Greenbackers, then the Populists who favored free
coinage for this reason: Siver was readily available.
Anyone with silver or commodities that could be
traded for silver could take his silver to the mint
and have the right to have it transformed into money
that would be spent into circulation by the holder of
the silver, not the government.  The people would
thereby determine the quantity of money, not the
banks or government.  With free coinage the people
were sovereign.  The problem was that there was not
an equal endowment of silver or the means to obtain
silver.  Dividends paid from the "general credit"
directly to people as individuals would resolve that
dilemma.  So social credit was in natural progression
from the graingers.

***>
People who hold this type of opinion have not taken
the trouble to grasp the fundamental subject matter
with which we have always been concerned, which is
the relationship of the individual to the group.
<***

And that requires elevating individual consciousness,
a theme that runs throughout Douglas' work.  You talk
to people.  You make them aware of their
individuality and worth and personal sovereignty and
show them a way to obtain it.  When you initiate the
dialog with them they will not share your philosophy.
It is also a dialog within our personal
consciousnesses, for we do not fully grasp it either.
It is one path from where we are today into a better
future.  We are enslaved by restrictive philosophy,
not the force of arms, although the force of arms
becomes the tool of that which enslaves us.  And we
are not even aware of it.

***>
Thirty years ago, that relationship was predominantly
a financial relationship. Quite largely through the
exertions of Socialists, strongly assisted by the
highest powers of International Finance, the Central
Banks have become practically impregnable, and the
sanctions which they exert have shifted from the bank
balance to the Order-in-Council.
<***

Which is exactly the case.  The nineteenth century
was the era of conflict between the banks and
government, with the banks emerging as victorious
with the election of 1896.  That victory has become
increasingly solidified over the years.  1948 is
about right in dating its near complete
solidification.  Government--meaning the will of the
people--had been permitted to determine if it was
better to fill pothole A or pothole B with the
limited funding made available to it.  Now, the
people are not permitted to decide if it is
appropriate to fill potholes at all.  That is decided
elsewhere.  It is no longer purely a matter of
finances.  In Douglas' metaphor, whether or not any
potholes are to be filled is determined by "Order-in-
Council."  Sovereign nations are no longer sovereign
nations.  The World Bank, IMF, GATT and all that is
where sovereignty lies.

***>
It ought to be, but unfortunately it is not, apparent
to everyone who takes an intelligent interest in
these matters that the fundamental problem has been
greatly complicated by the developments of the past
twenty years; and that the immediate issue is in the
realm of Law and military power, not of book-keeping.
<***

Ditto the above.  The United States was "permitted"
to win WWII by the Fed's "accommodation" of the
government's military spending.  Since that objective
was accomplished, the "accommodation" is denied for
social programs, welfare, infrastructure improvement,
etc.  The nation that could pacify Europe and Japan
is not permitted to mobilize sufficient resources to
pacify Iraq.  Not necessarily because they are
"opposed" to that outcome, but because they are
"indifferent" as to the outcome.

***>
That does not mean in the least that book-keeping is
one penny the less important than it was when we
directed attention to it; but it does mean that it is
the second trench to be taken, not the first. For
that, we have to thank in great part, the obsession
with "nationalized" banking.
<***

"Nationalized" banking--and here we must include
"central" banks whether nationalized or not--has
effectively shifted control from government to
financial order-in-council.  The technical solution
to that would be to integrate banking with government
in the manner that the judiciary is integrated with
government, as a co-equal branch of government in
check and balance with the others:  the executive,
legislative and judicial.  It should be written into
the Constitution.

***>
The problem presented by the centralised ("majority")
political vote is the same in its fundamentals as
that of which it is only another manifestation - the
monopoly of credit.
<***

Absolutely.  The way the vote goes is determined by
that monopoly if it is a matter of concern to that
monopoly, through the power of propaganda and the
unlimited ability to pay-off whomever they like.
Including the very issues that are voted on.

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