---------- Forwarded message ---------- From: John Ashworth <[email protected]> Date: Wed, Nov 2, 2011 at 1:02 PM Subject: [sudan-john-ashworth] Accounts from Blue Nile Refugees To: Group <[email protected]>
1. Please find below an Enough field dispatch based on interviews with Blue Nile refugees in the Ethiopian border dated 2nd November 2011. Field Dispatch: Refugees from Blue Nile Recount Atrocities, Government’s Targeting of Civilians The names of some of the refugees interviewed have been changed to protect their identities. SHERKOLE REFUGEE CAMP, Ethiopia – Sudanese government forces and militias are killing and raping civilians in Blue Nile state, according to refugees who recently fled the fighting. These alarming new details about how the war in Blue Nile is being conducted emerged from an Enough Project trip to the Ethiopian border—where nearly 29,000 Sudanese refugees have sought safety—and underscore the need for further investigation and international access into the area. ------------------------------------------ At 2 p.m. in the Ethiopian border town of Kurmuk the explosion of a bomb rang out as it was dropped from a plane in nearby Sudan. Kurmuk, Ethiopia sits a mere 500 meters across the border from Kurmuk, Sudan—a stronghold for the rebel SPLM-North. Aerial bombardments had been ongoing since the early morning, followed by shellings in the afternoon, according to a group of refugees. The refugees were the latest influx of Blue Nile residents that had crossed the border, some waiting to be transported to one of two refugee camps deeper into Ethiopia. Within the next hour while Enough visited the area, two more bombs exploded. In early September the Sudanese government initiated its third conflict along the South Sudan-Sudan border in the state of Blue Nile. Even more so than in neighboring South Kordofan, few independent observers have been allowed access into the war zone. Reports on the situation have primarily come from parties to the conflict, which cannot be independently verified and lack detail on the civilian impact of the violence. In more than a dozen interviews with the Enough Project in late October, Blue Nile refugees in Sherkole camp and Kurmuk, Ethiopia recounted their experiences when violence broke out and offered their understanding of why conflict has resumed in an area that has seen peace since the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, or CPA, in 2005. The stories of several of these individuals will be shared in a series of blog posts on the Enough website in the coming weeks. But first, an overview. Air Raids Begin, Civilians Targeted: ‘It’s all because we are black’ Refugees who fled fighting in the towns of Kurmuk, Wad el-Mahi, Um Darfa, Dindiro, and Damazine have near identical accounts of how the conflict began. In each town, fighting first broke out between Sudan Armed Forces, or SAF, and Sudan People’s Liberation Army, or SPLA, soldiers in the former Joint Integrated Units, or JIUs, between the late hours of September 1 into the morning of the next day. Aerial bombardments and shellings by the Sudanese government accompanied the ground combat. Separate accounts of government bombings in Kurmuk suggest that civilian areas were targeted. “The reason the civilians started running was because of the Antonovs,” said Boles, a resident of Kurmuk, Sudan. The bombs were “targeting the civilian areas” of the town, not where the fighting between the SPLA-N and SAF was taking place. “The SAF did not want to hit their own,” he said. Some Blue Nile residents also reported that government forces were targeting, killing, and raping civilians. “Soldiers with small arms were chasing the civilians. They were supported by the Fellata [an ethnic group in Blue Nile], who captured some of the civilians and slaughtered people,” said Asma, who witnessed the outbreak of conflict in the town of Um Darfa. She said the militias and government forces did not spare children and pregnant women. “It’s all because we are black,” she said. When asked whether the militias or soldiers said anything to the civilians in their pursuit, Asma said the militias were shouting directions at each other, saying, “Grab the slaves.” Her account was corroborated by Kasmero who, when fleeing from the state capital of Damazine, ran through Um Darfa when fighting began. He said after the SAF attacked the town with helicopter gunships and Antonovs, the “janjaweed” and Fellata began to indiscriminately kill civilians. “I saw bodies all the way from Damazine to Ethiopia,” he said. “There is no discrimination, the common theme is you are black.” Two towns he passed while fleeing, Ardaiba and Kambelle, were also burned to the ground, Kasmero said. Aziz, who fled from Baw town, told Enough that government militias—who were sent to bring back those who had fled to the mountains nearby—kidnapped and detained some of the displaced women and young girls in a school. “At night they had visitors and they did whatever they wanted with them,” he said, referring to SAF soldiers and government militias. Two young girls were killed as a result of being raped by around 30 men, said Ali, who also fled from Baw and spoke to Enough with Aziz. Before, A Tenuous Peace: ‘We had high hopes’ Most Blue Nile residents expressed surprise that war had returned to their state. “We were living in peace,” was a common refrain, whether to describe relations with neighboring ethnic groups or relations between the SPLA and SAF former JIUs. “It was a surprise. We are civilians. The government does what it wants to do,” said Thaura, a woman from Kurmuk. “If the government is serious about peace, the civilians will come back and live in peace again,” said Adam, also from Kurmuk. Others pointed to a build-up of political tensions prior to the outbreak of conflict and described what they saw as the economic and political marginalization of Blue Nile and its population by Khartoum, including through the manipulation of the popular consultation process. The popular consultations—a process established under the CPA to give residents of Blue Nile a chance to assess whether the political and economic relationship between the state and the central government established were satisfactory—were never completed. “We had high hopes after the CPA [was signed] that there would be peace and development. When the governor from the SPLA took over, the flow of money from the central government stopped, and the high hopes of the people were dashed,” said Osman of Baw. Major roads, such as those connecting Damazine to Kurmuk and Geissan, were never completed, he said. Some refugees said that the results of the popular consultations were leaning toward greater autonomy for the region, suggesting that this trend in part spurred the recent offensive. “The government feared this result,” and took steps to co-opt the exercise, said Osman’s friend, Ibrahim. He said he wanted the popular consultations to lead to more autonomy, “so that we can govern ourselves,” and so that state resources would be used for the development of the state. ‘We have to defend ourselves and get what is ours’ When asked how the conflict could come to an end, many refugees said that the decision was, from the start, out of their hands. Unanimously, the refugees Enough spoke to understood the conflict as provoked and fueled solely by Khartoum. As such, many said that fighting back was necessary. “[The government] attacked their own people, if we were not attacked, perhaps we would be at home right now. That was wrong. We have to defend ourselves and get what is ours,” said Asma of Um Durafa. “We want peace but the way that this thing developed, it will be difficult,” said Adam, from Kurmuk. “It was the SAF who came to attack the SPLA, so they have to defend themselves,” he said, adding that a third party such as another country or the United Nations would have to intervene to stop the fighting. “We are civilians. We are like children in a family, you don’t make decisions.” “I wish that the government would be reasonable and will handle the situation better than this,” said Yusaf, who spoke to Enough in a group with Osman and Ibrahim. “But the government is insisting on a military solution.” As such, Yusaf explained, his view on how the conflict can be resolved has hardened as well, shifting from a peaceful resolution to regime change. On the Run, Once Again Many of the refugees Enough spoke to were not experiencing the trauma of war for the first time; many ran when the 1983 civil war broke out, others ran as a result of the conflict in Darfur. Some were returning to Sherkole for the second time. “My husband is not here, I’m focusing on raising five kids by myself, with no job or salary. That is where my focus is. But if I tell you what’s in my heart, it will be a long story,” said Miriam, who had only just left Sherkole in 2010 to return a year later. “Even though [this place] looks familiar, but it is still difficult for me.” “I’ve ran so many times with a child or two on my back,” said Zahara, who fled Darfur in 2003 and had settled in Blue Nile for eight years before conflict forced her to run again. Sherkole camp, where refugees can be found from Abyei, the Nuba Mountains, Darfur, Blue Nile, and South Sudan, serves as a microcosm of Sudan’s long and continuous history of conflicts. “It is the same story. We might have individual stories, but at the end it is for the same reason that we were all scattered,” Mohamed, a Darfur refugee, observed. “The same war” prompted us to flee, said Musa, who fled violence in both Darfur and Blue Nile. “We are the blacks, from eastern Sudan to Kassala, through Blue Nile, Nuba Mountains and Darfur, all the way to Chad. We are the owners of this country and we have been mistreated. So my question is, is anybody going to protect us?” Here is a link to the accompanying photo slideshow: http://www.flickr.com//photos/enoughproject/sets/72157627860174149/show/ END1 2. Refugees in Ethiopia accuse Sudanese army of "killing and raping civilians" By Tesfa-Alem Tekle November 1, 2011 (ADDIS ABABA) - Sudanese government forces and militias are “killing and raping civilians in Blue Nile state”, according to a human rights group which spoke to refugees who recently fled into Ethiopia to escape conflict in Blue Nile state. The new report released on Tuesday by the US based rights group, Enough Project, comes as aerial bombings in Sudan’s Blue Nile state are reportedly forcing a new wave of refugees into neighboring Ethiopia. Fighting between the army and armed groups loyal to the former governor, Malik Aggar, began in September. Aggar’s party - the northern sector of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM-N) - has since been outlawed by Khartoum, which has ruled out foreign mediation in Blue Nile as well as in South Kordofan, where conflict with the same group started in June. Both states border newly-independent South Sudan, and fought with the southern-based SPLM until a 2005 peace deal. However the agreement was not fully implemented in the two areas, which have strong SPLM-N support. Controversial elections in South Kordofan, in which the SPLM-N lost, and Khartoum’s insistence that the group disarm are believed to have triggered the fighting. Since the outbreak of violence between government forces and the SPLM-N two months ago, nearly 30,000 people have crossed the border into Ethiopia. Refugees told Enough researchers on recent visit to Sherkole refugee camp and the border town of Kurmuk that Sudanese "government forces were targeting, killing, and raping civilians". "Soldiers with small arms were chasing the civilians," the group quoted one refugee from Um Darfa town as saying. “They were supported by the Fellata (an ethnic group in Blue Nile), who captured some of the civilians and slaughtered people," the refugee said adding, "It’s all because we are black." The United Nations Refugee Agency (UNHCR) has opened a new camp in western Ethiopia as hostilities in Sudan’s Blue Nile state continue to drive more refugees to the Horn of Africa nation. UNHCR on Friday said that some 2,000 more people from Sudan’s Blue Nile state had fled into Ethiopia, after air strikes in areas between Blue Nile’s capital, Damazin, and the town of Kurmuk, near the Ethiopian border. The rights group said further investigations were needed into the alleged atrocities and for immediate humanitarian access to conflict victims. "These stories provide only a glimpse into the civilian impact of the war in Blue Nile," said Amanda Hsiao, an Enough Project researcher. "They underscore the need for a comprehensive investigation into the alleged atrocities as well as international humanitarian access into the area, especially as ground combat intensifies with the end of the rainy season." (ST) http://www.sudantribune.com/Refugees-in-Ethiopia-accuse,40599 END2 3. Khartoum’s jihad ghosts By Magdi El-Gizouli November 1, 2011 — Recently Sudan Television resumed airing its notorious propaganda programme fi sahat al-fida, sloppily translated ‘in the fields of sacrifice’. The weekly thirty minutes programme accompanied the jihad campaign of the 1990s against the insurgency of the Sudan People’s Liberation Army/Movement (SPLA/M) and went off air in 2005 to mark the respite of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA). Throughout that period the programme provided the audience of Sudan TV with a visual experience of the war effort of the Sudan Armed Forces (SAF) and the paramilitary Popular Defence Forces (PDF). On a weekly basis viewers were bombarded with video footage of the fallen martyrs and their fellow combatants, brandishing their AK-47s, reciting the Quran, shooting at the enemy through the bush, and celebrating jihad in song and verse. Once the death toll in the riverain heartland crossed a critical threshold the programme lost its initial allure. An entire generation of the Islamic Movement’s student cadres had bled their lives away on the sacrifice fields of those years. To replace this committed vanguard, the voluntary pioneers of the PDF, and maintain the thrust of its war effort the government initiated a compulsory military service, al-khidma al-ilzamiya, targeting primarily school leaving youngsters. Military service was made a condition for university admission, and coercion replaced voluntarism. The doctrine of jihad was seriously tested when the Islamic Movement split into two camps, the ruling National Congress Party headed by President Bashir and the opposition Popular Congress Party (PCP) led by Hassan al-Turabi, the veteran chief of the Movement. In the initial phases of the split it was not necessarily evident that President Bashir would eventually win the round, but win it he did. Hassan al-Turabi, revered by the mujahideen as the sheikh of the Islamic Movement in both a religious and a political sense, declared the jihad he once championed a non-jihad and the esteemed martyrs merely dead. How could he otherwise? John Garang, whom sahat al-fida repeatedly condemned as a communist atheist racist conspirator on a crusade to defeat Islam, became virtually overnight an ally of the old sheikh when the SPLA/M and the PCP inked a memorandum of understanding in 2001. A year later the NCP and the SPLA/M signed the Machakos Protocol. When the implementation of the CPA took off in 2005 the PCP refused to take part in the process arguing that the 14 per cent allotted to the opposition parties in the national legislature was unsatisfactory. Turabi, now a victim of the regime, shed off his jihadist credentials and became the ‘sheikh of freedoms’. The believers of the Islamic Movement were shocked twice, once when Bashir humiliated Turabi out of power and gaoled him time and time again, and twice when Turabi ridiculed the jihad years as a mistaken adventure. Stained by a dirty power struggle that compromised the jihad legitimacy of the 1990s both the NCP and the PCP were obliged to reframe their shared working ideology. The PCP refashioned itself a liberal force with the face of Islam and the NCP nourished the chauvinism of the riverain heartland highlighting Islam as the defining component of a distinct (North) Sudanese identity. I watched a single episode of the 2011 sahat al-fida. The martyrs on display were borrowed from the 1990s and the message was embarrassingly particular with no universal Islamic reference to support it. Instead of the jihad chants the soldiers of the SAF plagiarized a slogan of the rebel Justice and Equality Movement (JEM). The Defence Minister visiting the troops in al-Damazin shouted ‘crush them’ and they replied ‘kul al-guwa al-Kurmuk juwa’ (all the force into al-Kurmuk) a rephrase of the JEM’s ‘kul al-guwa Khartoum juwa’ (all the force into Khartoum). Officially, Khartoum has not declared jihad in the Blue Nile and South Kordofan, and the term was conspicuously absent from the commentary. This time around it’s bombing pure and simple, counterinsurgency with no added value, no collaborating angels and no heavenly breezes to lure the martyrs. Actually, only First Vice President Taha used the term jihad to depict the SAF campaign against the forces of the SPLM in North Sudan, possibly enacting his role as the successor sheikh of the Islamic Movement within the NCP. Otherwise, President Bashir and the top officials of the ruling party have largely refrained from legitimizing the military drive in religious terms. The notion is too explosive I suppose; a precarious terrain to re-probe unshielded. Internally the NCP’s religious authenticity is challenged by the more doctrinaire fringe movements in the field. Some of these forces even consider the NCP regime itself a legitimate target of jihad considering its subcontractor role in the US war on terror. This October Khartoum set free members of a jihad cell led by a certain Osama Ahmed Abd al-Salam, a biochemist, who were arrested in August 2007. Abd al-Salam and his accomplices reportedly established a domestic workshop to develop explosives in al-Salama, Khartoum. Their activities were uncovered when an accidental blast aroused the attention of their neighbours. They allegedly repented their radical views after an extensive counsel with team members of the prominent Wahhabi circle, the Sharia Clerics League, featuring the media-savvy Abd al-Hai Yusif and Ala al-Din al-Zaki. These gentlemen supply the government with fatwas on demand and function as the NCP’s extended arm to its fuzzy right flank so to speak. The Clerics League declared members of the SPLM and the Communist Party infidels and instructed Allah-fearing Moslems to refrain from dealing with them in any form whatsoever. In fact, it is Abd al-Hai Yusif and his fellow sheikhs who have usurped the Islamic authority of the NCP in client mode. This bond of convenience notwithstanding the Clerics League recently diverged from the declared position of the NCP government regarding the situation in Syria. The League together with the Just Peace Forum (JPF) organized a demonstration in Khartoum in support of the Syrian opposition on the grounds of Islamic solidarity, effectively defying the pro-Assad stance expressed by President Bashir. Although Bashir repeatedly affirms his commitment to shari’a this claim is increasingly being questioned not only from the secular opposition but within the wider Islamic camp. The proposed constitution of the JPF and allies is an attest to this shari’a thirst as it were. For Abd al-Hai Yusif and fellows, let alone Abd al-Salam and partners, there can never be enough shari’a. The author is a fellow of the Rift Valley Institute. He publishes regular opinion articles and analyses at his blog Still Sudan. He can be reached at [email protected] http://www.sudantribune.com/Khartoum-s-jihad-ghosts,40602 END3 ______________________ John Ashworth Sudan Advisor [email protected] +254 725 926 297 (Kenya mobile) +249 919 695 362 (Sudan mobile) +27 82 853 3556 (South Africa mobile) +44 750 304 1790 (UK/international) +88 216 4334 0735 (Thuraya satphone) PO Box 52002 - 00200, Nairobi, Kenya This is a personal e-mail address and the contents do not necessarily reflect the views of any organisation -- The content of this message does not necessarily reflect John Ashworth's views. Unless explicitly stated otherwise, John Ashworth is not the author of the content and the source is always cited. You received this message because you are subscribed to the Google Groups "sudan-john-ashworth" group. To post to this group, send email to [email protected] To unsubscribe from this group, send email to [email protected] For more options, visit this group at http://groups.google.co.za/group/sudan-john-ashworth -- You received this message because you are subscribed to the Google Groups "South Sudan Info - The Kob" group. To post to this group, send email to [email protected]. To unsubscribe from this group, send email to [email protected]. For more options, visit this group at http://groups.google.com/group/SouthSudanKob?hl=en.
