Field Dispatch: A View from Blue Nile
in Sudan and South SudanField ReportDisplacementHuman RightsJustice
and Accountability
Nenad Marinkovic
Nov 29, 2011
Blue Nile, Sudan - Enough has recently documented that Sudanese
military forces in Blue Nile state have engaged in the killing and
raping of civilians, resulting in tens of thousands of refugees and
displaced persons fleeing for safety in neighboring Ethiopia and South
Sudan, and within Blue Nile. The civilian toll from an indiscriminate
aerial bombardment campaign is rising. In addition to these
devastating effects on civilians, Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir,
in September, used the violence in Blue Nile as a pretext to declare a
state of emergency in the state and remove its democratically elected
governor, Malik Agar,  forcing him into hiding. On a trip to a
location near Kurmuk in Blue Nile close to the Ethiopian border,
Enough Project staff spoke to Agar about the current situation and his
aspirations for Sudan’s future.

______________________________________

On the evening of September 1, 2011, the Sudan Armed Forces, or SAF,
attacked Damazin, the capital of Blue Nile state. One of the first
targets of this operation was the residence of Malik Agar, the elected
governor of the state and the chairman of the Sudan People’s
Liberation Movement-North, or SPLM-N. As a result, Agar was ousted
from his governorship and the Sudan government appointed a military
administration in his place. He fled Damazin with forces of the
SPLM-N’s military wing, the Sudan People’s Liberation Army-North, or
SPLA-N, to an area close to the town of Kurmuk, near the Ethiopian
border.

The fighting in Blue Nile has, from the start, followed the pattern of
previous clashes in South Kordofan, using frequent aerial bombardments
that have repeatedly fallen on the civilian population. In addition,
the government of Sudan has imposed an aid blockade, and continues to
use the worsening humanitarian crisis as a weapon of war. Agar told
the Enough Project that the bombing is being employed to “kill the
willing of the SPLA-N soldiers”[i] by separating them from families.

The Fall of Kurmuk

On November 3, the SAF dislodged SPLA-N forces from Kurmuk and took
the town. Following the fall of Kurmuk, the SAF issued a statement in
which the operation was described as “a step toward elimination of
SPLA remnants in the North”.

In his first public statement after the fall of Kurmuk, Malik Agar
told the Enough Project:

“Politically, the problem of Blue Nile is [an] integral part of the
Sudanese holistic problem of mismanagement of the diversity and
governance, no meaningful share of wealth and powers. All these
problems determine the future of Blue Nile, [and] by nature are
central and can be only solve[d] holistically, the particulars could
be detailed out after the constitutional guarantees which shall be
based on clear distinction of the issues. Blue Nile does not stand by
itself in isolation from the whole. In light of this Kurmuk is a
battle that could have as well taken place elsewhere, in Medani or
Sinnar for example, The fight happened to be there because of
circumstances, and losing battles is quite natural in wars, however
the war is not yet lost, though politically [Sudanese President]
Bashir is making lot of noise about. Bashir pronounced SPLM[-N] dead
but I can tell you, this is not the end of the movement, and SPLM[-N]
is still very much alive and remarkably noisy. The town of Kurmuk has
been captured by SAF two times during the previous war and SPLA[-N]
recaptured it three times. SPLA[-N] is 20 kilometers from Damazin on
the western front of Blue Nile and Bashir does not talk about it.”

The Sudan Revolutionary Front

On November 11, the SPLM-N and the Darfur-based Justice and Equality
Movement, or JEM, as well as two factions of the Sudan Liberation
Movement/Army, or SLM/A, signed the Kauda declaration establishing the
Sudan Revolutionary Front, or SRF. A communiqué published in the local
media following the signing of the declaration affirms the SRF’s
resolve “to overthrow the National Congress Party (NCP) regime [in
Khartoum] using all available means, above all, the convergence of
civil political action and armed struggle”[ii].

Agar told the Enough Project that the overthrow of the government has
never been excluded as one of the options for resolving “a political
crisis in Sudan.”

The Enough Project has published a number of reports[iii] that urge
that a nation-wide approach to conflict resolution be undertaken in
Sudan. Right now, the country is engulfed in four conflicts – in
Abyei, Blue Nile, Darfur, and South Kordofan – that require a
comprehensive peace deal for long-term stability.

A ‘New Sudan’ Vision Revisited

The independence of South Sudan has inadvertently enabled the regime
of Omar al-Bashir in Khartoum to enforce its will on territories that
remained part of Sudan, including by imposing sharia law and extending
what many in the three states now at war perceive as Arab domination.
President al-Bashir has confirmed his intention to govern the country
based on sharia law in a number of public remarks[iv]. In contrast to
President al-Bashir’s desire to create an Islamic state, Agar told the
Enough Project that his vision is of a “secular Sudan” where people
would be treated equally, regardless of their differences in ethnic,
religious and social background. In his hideout near Kurmuk, he said
“I was born African, God created me that way. I am Muslim but I will
never be an Arab”.

Agar asserts that Sudan will eventually be united by the very same
diversity that now divides it. He espoused a vision of a country
united in ethnic and religious diversity and with equal rights for its
entire population. In the spirit of the late John Garang’s unionist
vision, Yasir Arman, SPLM-N Secretary-General, told the Enough Project
that once reformed, Sudan will seek to have a special relationship
with South Sudan in a form of a “Sudanese Union” modelled after the
European Union with “freedom of labour, trade and movement of people”
as the core values.

Conclusion

In the long run, only a comprehensive peace process, fully inclusive
of all parties can divert Sudan from the dangerous path on which it
has embarked. In the near term, the international community must use
all mechanisms available to pressure Khartoum for an immediate
cessation of hostilities and to initiate negotiations under
international mediation. International actors with leverage over the
government of Sudan must understand that only a fully internationally
backed peace agreement will bring expected results. To that end, the
international community should:

•Ensure the protection of civilians in Sudan. The Sudan government
must be pressured to lift the humanitarian blockade and allow
international relief agencies access to the conflict areas. If the
Khartoum regime persists in using the worsening humanitarian crisis as
a weapon of war, international donors must consider a cross-border
relief operation as a matter of urgency.
•Use diplomatic and economic leverage to initiate a peace conference
with international mediation, where all parties would engage in peace
talks aimed at a comprehensive peace deal that would provide for
cessation of hostilities, free and fair elections and constitutional
review.
•Support transformation towards democratic change. The international
community should support the development of Sudanese civil society.


--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

[i] Author of this report met with Malik Agar in October, 2011

[ii] “Implausible Denials,” Africa Confidential Volume 52, No. 13.
November 18, 2011. Accessed at:
http://www.africa-confidential.com/index.aspx?pageid=7&articleid=4240

[iii] For example, John Prendergast, A New U.S Policy For Two Sudans,
Enough Project, August 2011, available at
http://www.enoughproject.org/files/new_policy_two_sudans.

[iv] “Sharia Law to be tightened if Sudan Splits- President.” BBC,
December 19, 2010. Accessed at:
http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-12033185

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