Land-ownership in Juba – Time to fashion a better way forward
Written by Parek Maduot, The New Sudan Vision (NSV), www.newsudanvision.com
Wednesday, 07 March 2012 22:03
Washington DC - Close to a year since independence, disputes and
recriminations around acquisition and parceling of land in South
Sudan, and Juba in particular, continue unabated and are even getting
more violent as witnessed recently around Gudele. This issue has
simmered and percolated since the signing of the CPA and the move into
Juba in the second half of 2005, and nothing we have seen since
suggests that there are any resolutions considered or anticipated that
will go beyond resignation, frustration and finger-pointing. In the
specific and controversial case of Juba, the issue is both related to
the severe need for the expansion of the physical footprint of the
central government across the city of Juba, and the related but
separate issue of private citizens needing access to parcels of land
for their private abodes as residents of the city. These two needs
have consistently been hard to satisfy because of disputes between the
two levels of government over the scope and pace of the expansion of
GOSS around Juba, and because indigenous communities around Juba also
have grievances over the principle of government domain over the
allocation of what they consider their ancestral land to other
citizens. This last grievance is of course exacerbated further by
documented cases of land-grabbing and intimidation visited upon many
land-owners around the city.

I will not bore the dear reader with the well-worn back story to the
issue of community ownership of land after the CPA and the legal and
constitutional implications of all these dueling claims, but it is
fair to say that we have a situation where everyone feels they are
being victimized, and no one wants to grant the other party any
measure of legitimacy. The jurisdictional tussle between the central
and state governments was presumably settled by the decision of the
cabinet to order the relocation of the capital to Ramciel from Juba.
The rationale of course went beyond the difficulties with expansion in
Juba, and enumerated other advantages that a new capital will provide
in the form of centrality of location and flexibility to build from
scratch without major constraints. I believe they have made a good
case, even as we cautiously acknowledge that the fiscal and
geopolitical difficulties brought about by the continued rows wit
Khartoum will surely slow its implementation.

The problems between citizens living in Juba, both from within and
without the indigenous communities have however festered without any
serious and consistent attempts to resolve them. We must first
acknowledge that people grabbing other people’s land is a concrete
fact in Juba, and we should not shy away from condemning these
instances as illegal and corrosive to the stability and peace of all
residents of Juba. There are those who take advantage of the general
sense of frustration with the slow, or most often, snail pace of land
allocation by the authorities in Juba as license to squat on someone’s
land and hurriedly build a structure with impunity. These have
happened even in the old city wards of Juba, where most plots of land
were distributed more than 50-years ago. These should not be allowed
to stand or rewarded. Nonetheless, it is also important to disabuse
some of our fellow citizens of the toxic provincialism that is at the
heart of the hostility against those living in Juba, but hailing from
any of the nine other states. I say some, because not everyone
prescribes to these notions among the residents of Juba, and in fact,
many who hail from Juba extol its virtues as our singular metropolis
where the best of our diverse people come to commune and work
together. It is therefore important that we reach a more nuanced
appreciation for the different grievances, both legitimate and
illegitimate, that are at the root of this festering conflict if we
are to have any chance of resolving it to our collective satisfaction.

Even more critically, this problem needs to be approached more
holistically and urgently at the highest levels of our government,
because land tenure has explosive implications that may not be readily
visible to many of us. These disputes between our people in Juba,
Malakal, Rumbek and countless others that we see as small brush fires
stoked by over-ambitious local politicians, are really the seeds of
future perpetual pain and suffering for our people if left
unaddressed. Our government therefore needs to outline a vision for
land development that acknowledges and anticipates these grievances,
and addresses them within a comprehensive framework that can be
understood by all citizens. More importantly, this vision must be
collectively developed by all stakeholders in a transparent manner to
ensure its implementation. It should enshrine modalities for the
protection and disbursement of the three categories of land outlined
in the Transitional Constitution of 2011, and those are community
land, private land and public land.

The disputes around Juba are borne out of fear and suspicion, and can
only be addressed if they are taken out of the closed-door leadership
huddles, and brought out into the open with all parties having a say
about the future of these and other cities. They occur even in the
most prosperous corners of countries like the United States, where the
building of a corner store is subject to public hearings and open
debate. Once the basic principles are restated, including the
government’s right to expropriate and disburse land for the public
good, and the right of every citizen to timely and effective redress
from judicial authorities when their land is encroached upon or
grabbed, the government should outline how all these people looking
for land can get it without trampling on someone else’s rights.

There surely can be designed a humane and efficient process for land
allocation that will return significant revenue to the local
governments, compensate local communities with amenities and a share
of the lease fees, and allow all these multitudes of fellow
law-abiding citizens who want to buy land have access to it in a safe
and peaceful manner. These will put all the dirty tricksters selling
land they don’t own out of business, reduce all this tension among our
people, and most importantly, allow the expansion of Juba and other
towns to occur in an organized manner. The public institutions of our
government, to which many of the people from outside Juba belong, such
as the GOSS, the SPLA, the SSLA, JOSS, BOSS, among others, are
critical stakeholders in the resolution of these problems too. They
can internally organize to pool the resources of their members in some
fashion, such as a home mortgage program for example, and then work
within the overall framework of the city’s development to get access
to land legally for their members. This would ensure that their
officials and officers are not desperately out there encroaching on
other people’s property because they are unable to find shelter even
as they work in the city, all while contributing to the orderly
expansion of their new hometowns.

Juba provides an opportunity, even amidst all the anger and sadness
over the recent clashes and deaths, for a more sustained intervention
by our government and civil society, to fashion a way forward that can
accommodate all the aggrieved. Mine are just suggestions that I am
sure can be enormously improved upon by others in and outside our
various levels of government, but the essential ingredients here are
the needed sense of urgency and a complete respect for the right of
each of our fellow compatriots.. In a land spanning over 640,000 sqkm,
and a population a little north of 10 million people, that is the only
way we can surely satisfy our twin challenges of shelter and food
security for all our people.

Parek Maduot is a South Sudanese commentator based in Washington DC.
He can be reached at  [email protected] e-mail address is being
protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it

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