Amid a trail of corpses, little doubt that Sudan, South Sudan are now at war

McClatchy Newspapers Washington, 16/4/2012 – Nine months after Sudan
split into two nations in search of a peace brokered by the United
States, it is now clear that the two sides are at war.
Diplomats discussing the armed conflict talk of skirmishes and
dustups, but a visit to this border region shows that what is taking
place here is no accidental exchange of fire by troops confused about
where the border lies. Instead, what’s happening is a headlong
mobilization involving not just thousands of Sudan’s and South Sudan’s
best forces and heaviest equipment, but heavily armed rebels from the
distant Darfur region fighting alongside the South Sudanese troops.
Whether an emergency peace plan could curb the escalation remains to
be seen. But neither side is talking to the other, and the mood here
is weighted with the sober intensity of wartime.
On Sunday evening in a looted Sudanese garrison in Heglig, South
Sudanese generals drew military positions in the sand with a curtain
rod. They were expecting an imminent counteroffensive by Sudanese
troops. Soldiers stood by, twitching, on edge.
Suddenly, missiles rained in, and artillery pounded the earth behind.
"We are under attack," yelled South Sudan’s Maj. Gen. Mangar Buong,
the commander. Troops scurried, trucks spun out.
The international community has condemned the fighting and has called
on South Sudan to withdraw. But its leader, Salva Kiir, has publicly
refused to do so.
The fighting started last week on the road to Heglig, an oil outpost
with a military base that had long been controlled by Sudan. The two
sides faced off at a de facto border point marked now only by the
start of a miles-long trail north of rotting corpses and feasting
birds.
Who fired first is unclear, but from there, the fight spread northward
to Heglig, which fell to the South Sudanese army a week ago.
Heglig now is a reeking graveyard of carnage. Two destroyed tanks sit
on the road. Scraps cover the red dirt and debris floats in the dry
wind. Battered signs proclaiming the Chinese-led oil consortium that
worked here poke above heaps of loot from its offices _ chairs, file
cabinets, TVs, refrigerators _ waiting to be hauled south as bounty.
Meanwhile, hundreds of South Sudanese soldiers stream up the road in
large trucks to join the fight as Sudanese war planes hunt from above,
pummeling the ground with bombs and rockets.
The South Sudanese army is using the captured Sudanese garrison in
Heglig as a forward operating base. Soldiers pick through piles of
clothes and half-finished meals while peeking at the sky in fear of
the Sudanese planes above.
Stores of weapons were left behind, including crates of anti-personnel
mines, banned under a treaty Sudan ratified in 2003.
The conflict is not new. Ever since British colonialism handed power
to Sudan’s northern, Arab elite in the 1950s, war between the two
sides has been an off-and-on affair.
But that war was supposed to have ended with the creation last year of
South Sudan as an independent nation _ at least, that was the hope of
the U.S. and Western allies who brokered the 2005 peace deal that gave
South Sudan the right to split away.
Instead, the splitting of Sudan now appears only to have turned an
internal war into an international one, with much more firepower on
all sides.
The new dimensions of this old conflict are starkly evident on the
front lines. The South Sudanese army is no longer the guerrilla force
of old, but sports its own tanks, anti-aircraft weapons and sovereign
land.
It’s joined by rebels from the Justice and Equality Movement group,
who swooped in from Darfur laden with vehicles and heavy weapons, some
likely from Libya.
The Darfur rebels have been fighting against the Sudanese government
for years and have joined this new front with gusto. Their trucks are
scrawled in Arabic and mounted with heavy weaponry, including one
large anti-aircraft gun.
"JEM oyee!" yelled one fighter in a green tank top and dirtied white
turban as he pulled to a stop, beer can in one hand and steering wheel
in the other. A machine gun was mounted on the passenger seat, in
front of his boyish sidekick.
The alliance with the Darfur group raises questions about South
Sudan’s plan and how far it intends to press the battle.
Brig. Gen. Makal Kuol Deng, in command of Heglig, said he did not know
what the end goal was. "If they (headquarters) say go ahead, we go
ahead. If they say stop, we stop," he said.
Other South Sudanese military officials say that they have no
intention of pushing far north, into what they consider proper
Sudanese territory, and only want to defend their border.
But the presence of the JEM rebels from Darfur, who are seeking to
overthrow the government of Sudanese President Omar al Bashir,
suggests otherwise. JEM and a weaker Darfur rebel group, the Sudan
Liberation Army, have joined up with South Sudan-aligned rebels in
Sudan’s Nuba Mountains and Blue Nile. Together, the rebel alliance
calls itself the Sudan Revolutionary Force.
The Sudanese army is better armed, but it seems drawn thin and
disillusioned. In the Nuba Mountains, the rebels have been making
surprising gains against the government forces. Here, it appears that
the Sudanese army withdrew suddenly without a spirited fight.
There is no foreseeable endgame. The one hope for peace is that
neither side can afford war for long. Landlocked South Sudan shut down
its oil production in January, unable to reach an export deal with
Sudan. Now, with Heglig’s oilfields shut down as well, Sudan, too, is
facing a currency crisis.
Logic and sober analysis, however, overlook the depth of bitterness
felt by both sides and the comfort with which a population that barely
knows what peacetime means accepts violence and destruction.
Careening down the road back southward, the South Sudanese soldiers
pointed at the corpses outside, dozens of Sudanese soldiers who’d died
in battle. Stripped of boots and valuables, denied a Muslim burial,
they decay out in the open. The air reeks of death. "Jellaba," the
South Sudanese say, using derisive slang. (Boswell is a McClatchy
special correspondent. His reporting is underwritten in part by a
grant from Humanity United, a California-based foundation that focuses
on human rights issues.)

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