Diplomats Issue Rare Warning Ahead of Kenyan Polls

 While keen to maintain neutrality, United State and Britain appear to
feel prospect of an indicted Kenyan president merits strong words.

By Nzau Musau- International Justice - ICC



ACR Issue 341,

1 Mar 13


Kenya’s key international relationships could be endangered if a
politician indicted by the International Criminal Court, ICC, wins
presidential office in next week’s election. Just how, though, no one
is clear.

Deputy Prime Minister Uhuru Kenyatta wants to be president, and has
chosen another ICC indictee, former higher education minister William
Ruto, as his running-mate in their Jubilee Coalition.

Kenyatta and Ruto both face trial in The Hague in proceedings that
were due to start in April but which could now be delayed until later
this year, following a request from defence lawyers.

The candidates are accused of orchestrating the bloodshed which
followed the last presidential election in December 2007. Two other
men charged with crimes against humanity will join them – former civil
service chief Francis Muthaura and journalist Joshua Arap Sang.

More than 1,100 people were killed and 600,000 displaced in months of
violence, which ended with an agreement to set up a coalition
government.

Recent opinion polls put Kenyatta and Ruto marginally ahead of their
chief rivals, the current prime minister Raila Odinga and
vice-president Kalonzo Musyoka, who together represent the CORD
(Coalition for Reforms and Democracy) alliance.

On February 15, Kenya’s High Court dismissed a petition that would
have prevented Kenyatta and Ruto from running for office.

The United States’ top diplomat for Africa, Johnnie Carson, is among
the foreign envoys who have openly warned of the implications of
having a president who is charged with international crimes in The
Hague.

“It is… important to know that the choices have consequences,” Carson
said in a teleconference with Kenyan journalists earlier in February.
“We live in an interconnected world, and people should be thoughtful
about the impact their choices have on their nation and the world.

“Individuals have reputations, images, histories and are known for who
they are, what they do, what they say, and how they act.”

Following Carson’s remarks, Britain made clear its policy not to meet
ICC suspects for anything other than essential matters.

“We cannot meet ICC indictees, except for essential business,” High
Commissioner Christian Turner told IWPR, declining to elaborate.

In informal conversations with IWPR, diplomats from other European
Union states spoke of the dilemma the international community is
facing. On the one hand, their governments want to make it clear they
would avoid contact with ICC suspects. But on the other, they do not
wish to be seen to be trying to influence the choices made by Kenyans,
either by publicly opposing Kenyatta and Ruto or by appearing to
endorse them through silence.

The very fact that diplomats have spoken out on the issue shows the
level of international concern about the possibility that Kenya will
be led by ICC defendants. In addition to the difficulty of managing
diplomatic relations, there are fears that if elected, Kenyatta might
stop cooperating with the ICC, and that the country would become
isolated.

The country is a major trading centre for the West and for countries
in wider East Africa, which rely on the port of Mombasa to do
business. Kenya is also a vital security partner for Britain and the
US, and its army is involved in fighting the Islamist group al-Shabaab
in neighbouring Somalia.

As Carson put it, Washington regards Nairobi as the "most significant
diplomatic posting" in Africa.

The tough comments by diplomats come in the wake of statements by ICC
prosecutor Fatou Bensouda, who complains that the Kenyan government is
not cooperating with her office’s investigations.

This presidential election has also reawakened fears of a repeat of
the bloodshed that followed the last one, given that recent months
have seen a spate of violent incidents.

“We are gearing up for the fact – which the diplomats are also
recognising – that these elections could be quite scary,” David
Anderson, professor of African history at the University of Warwick,
said. “And I think there is a lot of anxiety emerging about what is
going to happen.”

Kenyatta and Ruto have tried to suggest that the international
community is meddling in Kenya’s internal affairs, and that those who
favour cooperation with the ICC are unpatriotic.

Nor are past reactions to similar criticisms of Kenya encouraging.

Former United Nations Secretary General Kofi Annan came in for heavy
criticism from the Kenyatta-Ruto campaign last year when he warned
Kenyans that electing ICC suspects would not be in their country’s
interests.

Annan was speaking as head of an international panel which the African
Union appointed to mediate in the dispute over who won the 2007
election.

It appears, however, that some western states feel they have been left
with little choice but to highlight the risks.

“There is a lot of tension around whether or not diplomats on the spot
ought to be saying anything that is election-related at all at this
point,” Anderson told IWPR. “So the fact that they’ve spoken out the
way they have means things really are pretty awful. This is high-risk.
It surprised me.”

No one is really clear, however, what the practical response would be
if Kenyatta did become president.

“There are limits to what the international community can do. And they
know it. They are not going to welcome this, but it is not something
they can do an awful lot about,” Anderson said.

One obvious comparison is with neighbouring Sudan where President Omar
al-Bashir is wanted on genocide charges in The Hague, and three other
officials have been charged by the ICC.

However, while Sudan is subject to US and UN Security Council
sanctions, these do not relate to the ICC charges and the government’s
non-compliance. Instead, they were imposed because of conflict and
humanitarian crises in Darfur and more recently in Blue Nile and South
Kordofan, as well as because of the government’s alleged connections
with terror networks.

Carson was quick to warn against any parallels between Kenya and Sudan.

In reference to US sanctions on Sudan, he told IWPR, “None of that,
please underscore that, none of that applies to Kenya.”

Any steps the international community takes are likely to depend on
whether Kenyatta and Ruto continue to cooperate with the ICC if they
are elected.

James Shikwati, a director of the Inter Region Economic Network in
Nairobi, told IWPR, “I doubt sanctions will be imposed if the two are
elected and cooperate with the court. I think there may, however, be a
shift of focus [on the part of] major powers to other neighbouring
countries.”

Even if formal sanctions are not on the cards, that does not mean
Kenya’s international relationships would be unaffected.

Professor Ben Sihanya, a law scholar at the University of Nairobi,
believes Kenyan voters should heed what foreign diplomats have said.

“No one is second-guessing them [diplomats]; it's not rumours either.
They are the ones saying it and its all on record – that it will not
be business as usual in their dealings with Kenya should the two
ascend to the presidency,” he said.

Sihanyi recalled that in past periods of crisis – before Kenya adopted
multi-party politics in the early 1990s, and again during the violence
that followed the 2007 election – the international community matched
its words with actions.

“In 2008, most western governments announced it would not be business
as usual until the Kenyan leadership got its act together. And true to
their word, they froze their dealings and programmes,” he said,
referring to governance, justice and legal reforms that had been
backed by Canada, Denmark, Finland, Germany and Britain.

Professor Karuti Kanyinga of the Institute for Development Studies at
the University of Nairobi also warned against complacency.

“Why would the west need Kenya when Tanzania can fit the shoe? In
regional politics, there is always an alternative. Ethiopia can serve
the military purpose. Tanzania can service economic interests now that
their size of economy is almost matching Kenya,” he said.

Nzau Musau is a reporter for ReportingKenya.net and The Star newspaper
in Nairobi. Simon Jennings, IWPR’s Africa Editor, also contributed to
this report.


This article was produced as part of a media development programme by
IWPR and Wayamo Communication Foundation in partnership with The Star.

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