---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: John Ashworth <[email protected]>
Date: Wed, May 15, 2013 at 11:44 AM
Subject: [sudan-john-ashworth] Democratisation and the failure of the
Sudan peace process
To: Group <[email protected]>


Below and attached please find John Young's response to Alex de Waal's
review of his new book, which I circulated yesterday. John says, "The
idea behind Alex's review and his request that I respond to it is that
it will generate a much needed debate around the issues of peace in
Sudan and anyone with any opinions is welcome to jump in by submitting
responses to his blog."

A striking final sentence: "unlike the SPLA, insurgents in
neighbouring Eritrea, Ethiopia, and Uganda built powerful mass based
organizations able to militarily defeat their foes and were thus able
– thankfully - to keep out liberal saviours from the West"!

BEGIN

Democratization and the failure of the Sudan peace process

by John Young

Alex has summarized my book quite well, but with one major exception:
the central theme is the failure of the peace process to oversee the
democratic transformation called for in the CPA’s Machakos Protocol,
which I contend was the only hope for sustainable peace, both between
the two states and within them. Although The Fate of Sudan is not a
theoretical study, it proceeds from a critique of liberal
peace-making, the starting point of all peace efforts in Sudan. As
Alejandro Bendana and other critics have found – and the Sudan
experience backs them up – liberal peace making is a top-down approach
designed to stop violence, but not address its underlying causes,
integrate the warring parties into a Western dominated world order,
and while it rhetorically supports democratic transformation, it is
invariably traded off.

The official sponsor of the Sudan peace process was IGAD, an outfit
created, paid for, and directed by a handful of Western states. IGAD
(read the US) then sub-contracted the process to its regional ally
Daniel arap Moi who assigned his protector, General Sumbeiywo, who
long had close relations with the American security services to
oversee the process, and thus could be trusted. Under Sumbeiywo the
NCP, SPLM, and the Western participants locked out civil society,
other military groups and political parties, imposed a regime of
secrecy, and then contradictorily called for democratic
transformation. It was not believable and what followed proved that.

The NCP and SPLM used the CPA to isolate their challengers, while the
flawed 2010 elections served to undermine their joint commitment to
Sudan’s unity by effectively dividing the country before the
referendum - all with the support of the US and its allies who feared
that confronting the parties would undermine the peace process. The
needs of peace and democracy were thus held to be at odds and the
former prevailed over the latter – which is usually the case with
liberal peace making. However, conflict continued directly or through
proxies and allies of the NCP and SPLM in spite of this compromise
which also led to the consolidation of authoritarian regimes in
Khartoum and Juba.

It is my contention that unless internationals can oversee peace
processes that genuinely support democratization they should withdraw,
that in spite of their weaknesses local actors not operating at the
behest of big powers should lead these processes, and if the
belligerents are not ready to come to the peace table then we should
‘give war a chance’. No one relishes sitting on the sidelines watching
people die, but there is no conclusive evidence that wars which end as
a result of peace agreements have fewer casualties or are more likely
to lead to sustainable peace than wars decided on the battlefield.
Moreover, all too often wars that end with peace agreements that do
not involve empowering local people leave them as bad or worse off
than when the conflict began. That was clearly the case with the peace
agreement that ended the war in eastern Sudan and it could also be
argued that was true for the people of Sudan and South Sudan post-CPA.
Meanwhile, many of those killed in what was billed as a north-south
war – indeed, maybe the majority – in fact died as a result
intra-south conflicts. In the final years of the war fighting was
largely between the South Sudan Defense Force (SSDF) and the SPLA, and
that conflict ended as a result of the Juba Declaration in which the
role of the internationals was negligible. Finally it must be noted
that unlike the SPLA, insurgents in neighbouring Eritrea, Ethiopia,
and Uganda built powerful mass based organizations able to militarily
defeat their foes and were thus able – thankfully - to keep out
liberal saviours from the West.

END
______________________
John Ashworth

Sudan, South Sudan Advisor

[email protected]

+254 725 926 297 (Kenya mobile)
+211 919 695 362 (South Sudan mobile)
+27 79 832 8834 (South Africa mobile)
+44 750 304 1790 (UK/international)
+88 216 4334 0735 (Thuraya satphone)

PO Box 52002 - 00200, Nairobi, Kenya

This is a personal e-mail address and the contents do not necessarily
reflect the views of any organisation

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