On the brink in Sudan

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By David L. Phillips and Ahmed Hussain Adam

September 30, 2013 - A spiral of deadly violence engulfed Sudan last week.
Nearly 200 peaceful protesters were killed in protests that started in
Darfur and swept across the country, including Khartoum. Gulf States,
including Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, condemned the brutal
crackdown by Sudan’s President El-Bashir. But when Australia, which
currently chairs the UN Security Council, tried to spotlight developments
in Sudan, Russia discouraged debate. Sudanese pro-democracy protesters are
undaunted by Russia’s obstructionism. They are demanding that the African
Union (AU) seek action from the UN Security Council.

As in Tunisia, nationwide protests in Sudan can be traced to a single
event.Ismail Wadi, a well-known merchant, was gunned down by
government-backed militia in Nyala, South Darfur on September 18.
Protesters gathered at the government headquarters to submit a petition of
protest to the Governor of South Darfur. But instead of receiving the
petitioners, the Governor ordered security forces to open fire on the
crowd. At least 5 people were killed and scores wounded. When the
demonstrators attempted to evacuate the wounded to the hospital, police
followed attacking with tear gas and using snipers to target leaders in the
crowd.

El-Bashir addressed the media on September 22nd. Instead of regretting the
loss of life, he insulted protesters calling them hoodlums and questioning
their patriotism. El-Bashir also announced the suspension of food and fuel
subsidies. His punitive arrogance lit a fire, sparkingnationwide protests.
In town and cities in all of Sudan’s states, people gathered to condemn
Bashir. Mass demonstrations started in Nyala, then moved to Wad Medani, the
capital of the central Sudan, El-Fasher in North Darfur, Sinnar and
Damazeen in the center of Sudan, and finally Khartoum. Historically
marginalized groups - from Darfur, South Kordofan, Blue Nile, and the Nuba
Mountains - also came together demanding dignity and political rights.
Demonstrators targeted symbols of the regime, such as National Congress
Party (NCP) offices.

Security forces indiscriminately attacked civilian protesters across the
country killing more than 100 people. Internet services were shut down.
Bashir blamed the Sudan Revolutionary Front (SRF) for fomenting violence.
Ali Osman Taha, the Vice President, gave a shaky presentation threatening
to crack down with an iron fist. Taha used rhetoric similar to Syria’s
Bashar al-Assad, labeling the protesters as terrorists, blaming outside
forces for instigating unrest, and promising a military solution. Acting
from fear and weakness, Sudan’s notorious National Intelligence and
Security Service (NISS) echoed Taha’s threats, activating their militias to
attack protesters.

Cracks are starting to emerge in the NCP leadership. Some military
commanders and police officers refused to attack peaceful
demonstrators.Prominent regime figures and their families have left their
homes and gone into hiding. A growing number have gone abroad.

While the current uprising was triggered by the suspension of subsidies, it
is the product of accumulated grievances from 24 years of Bashir’s
injustice, persecution, corruption and failed leadership. Bashir’s policies
and practices led to civil war and pushed South Sudan to secede. Sudan’s
economy is in free-fall. More than 90 percent of the population lives below
the poverty line. Inflation is close to 50 percent. Sudan is discredited on
the world stage as one of the world’s most corrupt countries.

There was an outcry last week when Bashir planned to attend the UN General
Assembly. He cancelled his visit under pressure from Member States and
popular protests calling for his arrest by the New York Police Department,
even if it meant contravening UN protocols. Sudanese are proud and
dignified. Bashir has brought them shame and humiliation.

The Obama administration has expressed grave concern about escalating
violence. Its words are welcome. But it can do more to organize
international action. The United States should work with the AU to schedule
debate on Sudan by the UN Security Council considering the spiral of
violence in Sudan. The AU should also consider suspending Sudan’s
membership, in accordance with its Constitutive Act (Article 4H), which
obliges the regional body to act when a Member State commits gross
vitiations of human rights.

Bashir is already indicted by the International Criminal Court (ICC) for
genocide in Darfur. The ICC can help drive a wedge between the NCP and
members of the armed forces seeking to distance themselves from the regime
by disclosing Sudanese officials referred for investigation by the
prosecutor.

The international community can help being Sudan to its tipping point. But
the Sudanese people have ultimate responsibility for political change. The
SRF and other Sudanese opposition should vigorously assist the popular
uprising. Marginalized groups should intensify their dialogue about a plan
for political transition and power-sharing after Bashir. Protesters are
wary of false coup orchestrated by El-Bashir and his ruling clique to
undermine the uprising. They want to expunge the NCP and its accomplices in
the security services.

During the last century, the Sudanese people succeeded in toppling two
military regimes - General Ibrahim Abboud in October 1964 and General
Gafaar Mohamed Nimeiri in April 1985. A third uprising is underway, with
the potential to bring down the genocidal regime of El-Bashir.

*David L. Phillips is Director of the Program on Peace-building and Human
Rights at Columbia University’s Institute for the Study of Human Rights.
Ahmed Hussain Adam is a Visiting Scholar. They co-chair Columbia’s Two
Sudan’s Project.*

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