Incompetent, under-resourced and uninformed - the international response to
crisis in the CAR
Posted on February 27,
2014<http://africanarguments.org/2014/02/27/incompetent-under-resourced-and-uninformed-the-international-response-to-crisis-in-the-car/>by
AfricanArgumentsEditor<http://africanarguments.org/author/africanargumentseditor/>

Earlier this week I interviewed *Donatella Rovera*, Amnesty International's
senior investigator in crisis response. She has just returned from a week
in the Central African Republic (CAR). We spoke about the current
international military and humanitarian response to the crisis in the CAR
and events unfolding in the country.

*Donatella Rovera: DR*

*Magnus Taylor: MT*

*MT: *Can you explain why the response to the current crisis in the Car
does not seem to be very effective?

*DR:*  Events unfolded very, very quickly and the major problem [with] the
response that was that it didn't really keep pace with events on the
ground...it was incredibly frustrating when I got there to see how the
international community - the UN agencies and international NGOs - were
reacting, or rather not reacting. They were looking at events that were
happening in January still within the framework of what was happening last
December."

*MT:* And what was the main difference?

*DR:* Last December things came to a head whereby the former regime, the
predominantly Muslim Seleka forces, were committing widespread abuses
against the population in general, and obviously most of the population is
Christian. And then there was this kind of 'spike of madness' on 5th
and 6thDecember when about 1000 people were killed in the space of
those 2 days in
the capital...most of them were Christians - [killed] by the Seleka.

It was very clear at that point, or very shortly after that - within a few
days - that the Seleka regime was crumbling and the Muslims were going to
be made to pay the price and that it was going to be a very different
ballgame because they are a small minority.

*MT:* Do you think at that point there should have been pre-emptive action
to protect civilians?

*DR*: I think if at that point the situation had been understood then there
would have been a better chance for an adequate response for what was going
to come. That was not the case - even when I got there in the middle of
January it was quite clear that people were still looking at things in an
outdated manner.

*MT:* Is there a lack of capacity in international agencies and the
AU/French military intervention?

*DR:* There are 2 things. You've got the military presence, and the
military (which includes international peacekeepers) they are there to deal
with a particular situation, which was the former Seleka regime, but then
things changed on the ground very quickly they did not understand what was
going on and adjust what they were doing to with deal with new challenges
and the new threat.

And as for the rest of the international community - if you like the UN
agencies and so on, I think in that time there was a high turnover of
staff, so there were a lot of new people turning up, staying 2 weeks or a
week and really not understanding what was happening.

*MT:* And most people are still deployed in Bangui, are they? They're not
in other parts of the country - the North West?

*DR:* Now they are more, but it's a bit late.

*MT:* Is that the French troops?

*DR:* The French were only really around in the capital and a little
further north west (but not very far). And they were not where things were
happening. They tended to get to places after events had happened.

*MT:* Are the MISCA contingent effective?

*DR:* Neither have been very effective - French nor African Union. For 2
reasons: mainly because they weren't present where things were happening,
when they could have made a difference, when they could have stopped some
of the massacres...In the places where they were present they did manage to
stop some of the large-scale killing, but the problem was that they were
just not present and they did not seem to be very willing to confront the
new actor...It was only around 9th/10th February that the commander of the
French forces said that the Anti-balaka are the 'enemies of peace' and so
on...that was very late as a realisation.

*MT:* Is the mandate of the AU and French troops sufficiently strong?

*DR:* They have a very strong mandate - they have a mandate to protect
civilians and to disarm...of course they went in to disarm the Seleka, but
they didn't do a very good job - many Seleka are still armed. Those that
are, in so far as I could see, have better weapons than the Anti-balaka.
But the problem is because the targets are civilians, they are completely
defenceless, the fact that the Anti-balaka are not well armed does not make
that much difference - they have managed to killed many people and scared
many into leaving the country.

*MT:* Would you say that the deployment of AU MISCA forces has been
particularly slow and are they sufficiently well-resourced?

*DR:* Obviously the resources were not all there and that's a debate that
needs to be had, but I've worked in wars for over 20 years and I'm yet to
find one where it is felt there are enough resources, whether human or
material...but there is also the other issue of how they have been used.

*MT:* Would you say that it has been particularly bad in this case?

*DR:* It is difficult to compare...but the resources that were there could
and should have been used in a much more effective way - the forces should
have got out of the capital, they should have been more mobile...they should
have taken on the Anti-balaka, not allowed the Anti-balaka to step in and
fill the gap after the Seleka withdrew.

I saw in so many cases international forces and Anti-balaka militia and
road blocks 50m, 100m away. That should not have been allowed. Now, quite
apart from the results of this lack of action - the killing and forcing of
Muslims out of the country - it has also allowed the Anti-balaka militia to
kind of crystalise their rule. And with every passing day it is also being
realised that it will be much more difficult to shift them.

*MT:* Who is actually commanding the Anti-balaka?

*DR:* With all the bad press - for example, our report and some foreign
journalists seeing what they were doing, there have been some men who have
put themselves forward presenting themselves as would-be leaders of the
Anti-balaka movement. But there is no single leadership. They are very
cohesive at the level of their discourse and in terms of the methods they
employ, but they are not a coordinated, cohesive force by any means. Local
dynamics have developed such as rural versus urban - so you have a lot of
young men from rural areas who have gone into the town and joined the
Anti-balaka for criminal purposes - much more than the ideological drive.

In some places where the Muslim population has been forced out completely
the Anti-balaka have moved on to the next stage - they are now asking for
money from Christians.

*MT:* So is this then a religious conflict?

*DR:* It has certainly expressed itself in ethnic-religious terms. The
discourse from any Anti-balaka and Christians that support them is that the
Muslims are all foreigners - they're all Chadians, they don't belong in
this country and they should leave. So Muslims are paying the price for
what the Seleka did - all Muslims are being labelled as foreigners and the
Anti-balaka are saying very clearly that they don't want any Muslims, they
must leave, and there is no space for them. There is also the element of
class resentment; the Muslims were often merchants - the ones who were
better off.

*MT:* So how wrong were the people who initially labelled this as
'genocide'?

*DR:* Genocide is not the right term...but ethnic cleansing yes - a community
is being targeted for physical liquidation by being forced out of a
particular area - the definition is absolutely spot on for this case. And
the discourse of those that are committing these crimes - they are not
hiding these crimes, they are saying it very openly, very publicly, very
systematically...and it's not just rhetoric - the action they take is to
implement the rhetoric. So it's a very clear cut case in that respect.

*MT:* Is it 'the community' that forces out the Muslims or, to a greater
extent an external force coming in?

*DR:* It's both. There are the local Anti-balaka groups who are then joined
by the rural guys coming in...once the local Anti-balaka got assurance that
the Muslims would leave they were prepared to give some kind of undertaking
that they weren't going to kill them, although it didn't always work like
that.

In a few towns, talking to the priests who were sheltering the Muslims,
they said that if they only had to deal with the local Anti-balaka it would
be a little easier, but there are all these guys that come from outside...but
in terms of a coherent decision that the Muslims have to leave, that has
been very clear from all. And by a lot of the Christian population.

*MT:* Do you think permanent demographic changes have now taken place in
the CAR?

*DR:* In the near future it is very difficult to see people coming back.
That is the main difference with what was happening last year - you had
Christian populations not sleeping at home, but then coming back to check
on their property in the day, or going to shelter in the church - not going
far, staying in their towns, which means that going back is not too
far-fetched, it was also never a possibility that the majority of the
population would be kicked out of the country...now it's a very different
story...people have been kicked out not just from their towns, but out of the
country and their property looted and destroyed.

*MT:* Do you think the international response been ineffective because the
CAR is essentially strategically unimportant place?

*DR:* Yes, but I also think that there has been a lot of incompetence...I see
no objective reason for this, some of it is plain incompetence. I spoke to
people who should have known what they were talking about and they did not

The military effort belonged to the AU and French and there have been huge
coordination problems...But the Chadian army did what others didn't do -
first, they escorted Seleka war criminals around the country. But they were
also the only ones that really saved lives because ultimately it has only
really been the Chadians who have escorted convoys of desperate Muslims
wanting to get out of the country...probably for their own (Chad's) political
gain. The Chadians solved the problem by providing lorries and armed
escorts - sometimes not in a very good way, by shooting their way out of
places and committing abuses.

In other places people took things in their own hands - there was a convoy
of vehicles, not UN vehicles, but paid for by the UN to bring in food from
Cameroon and then go back empty...The lorries were boarded by many desperate
Muslims. Some lorry drivers made them pay, which was very embarrassing, but
the lorry drivers were not employees of the UN. But their job (bringing the
food) was done. Both sides saw an opportunity.

It was a rather pitiful response in a place where there are great dangers
for civilians. I've worked in a lot of international wars where there are a
lot of sophisticated weapons and international forces have legitimate
concerns about safety. But this is not really the case in the Central
African Republic.

There has been a clear problem of coordination within the AU forces and
between the AU forces and the French...there needs to be better use of the
forces, they need to be moving to where they are needed, as opposed to
setting up camp...they need to be much more proactive at moving about. Quite
clearly we'd like to see this turning into a UN peacekeeping force because
you will have better resources and the things that this quite clearly has
not had.

*Magnus Taylor is Editor of African Arguments.*

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