Bashir escape highlights the determination of African lawyers

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By John Prendergast and Akshaya Kumar

Sudan’s President Omer al-Bashir, who has been dodging an International
Criminal Court (ICC) arrest warrant for years, is now safely back in
Khartoum. But he returns branded with the scarlet letter of a wanted man, a
fugitive from international justice.

Over the weekend, a South African judge responded to a local group’s
petition for his arrest by issuing a court order preventing Bashir, who
stands accused of genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity, from
leaving the country. Bashir was in South Africa to mingle with other
presidents and prime ministers at the African Union’s semi-annual summit.
The AU’s ongoing opposition to the ICC’s work in Africa had a prime
position on the agenda. But creative lawyering helped South African civil
society groups steal the headlines and turn the summit’s spotlight back to
Darfur’s long-suffering people.

Undoubtedly, South Africa’s judges and lawyers are this story’s heroes. On
the morning of June 15, Judge Dunstan Mlambo ruled that his government’s
failure to arrest Bashir is inconsistent with the South African
Constitution. The judge demanded an account of how Bashir was allowed to
leave the country despite a court order prohibiting it, when he left and
who signed off on his departure. While some may frame Bashir’s brazen
escape as a setback for the international justice movement, the South
African court’s commitment to upholding the rule of law must be applauded.
Moreover, the South African Litigation Center’s brave challenge of their
government’s decision to allow Bashir immunity should be celebrated. Today,
African lawyers and judges stood together in solidarity with African
victims to push for justice against one of Africa’s most notorious
perpetrators of human rights abuses.

Unfortunately, South Africa’s ruling African National Congress (ANC) did
not do the same. A representative for the ANC said on Sunday that the ICC
was “no longer useful for the purposes for which it was intended.” On
Monday, South African government lawyers appeared in court to argue against
an arrest warrant, notwithstanding their obligations as a signatory to the
Rome Statute, the treaty which requires states to uphold and enforce ICC
actions. After originally feigning ignorance of Bashir’s whereabouts, after
the court demanded his arrest, a government lawyer finally confessed that
Bashir had left the country.

The opposition of African heads of state to the international justice
movement is not news. While charges of orchestrating murder, rape and
persecution were hanging over his head, Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta
labelled the International Criminal Court a “toy of declining imperialist
powers.” Even though the court recently dropped its charges against
Kenyatta in part because of disappearing or intimidated witnesses, African
leaders’ heated animosity towards the ICC has not chilled.

Communities that have lived through these crimes, however, tend to have a
distinctly different point of view.

In Darfur, where hundreds of thousands continue to be displaced by
government violence, survivors are vehement in their calls for criminal
prosecution and accountability. In neighbouring South Sudan, people share
the same view. A June 2014 study (in South Sudan by the American Bar
Association) found that “every person interviewed indicated that there must
be accountability, at all levels, for the atrocities committed during the
current crisis.” In a 2010 survey by the University of Berkeley’s Human
Rights Center, 98% of respondents in the Central African Republic said the
people responsible for the violence should be held accountable. Even as
their governments obstruct international justice efforts, communities that
have suffered through mass atrocities continue to demand accountability.
Luckily, creative lawyering is helping to put international criminal
justice back in vogue.

This weekend’s dramatic court proceedings in South Africa are just one
example. On the other side of the continent, an innovative approach to
universal jurisdiction has led to a new hybrid court in Senegal, where
Chad’s former dictator, Hissène Habré has been living in exile. A quarter
century after his fall from power, civil society groups demanding Habré’s
prosecution have finally succeeded in getting their day in court. In July,
Habré’s trial for crimes against humanity, war crimes and torture will
begin at the Extraordinary African Chambers in Senegal’s court system. This
hybrid approach represents the first time that a universal jurisdiction
claim has gone to trial in Africa.

Seventy years ago, Robert Jackson inaugurated the International Military
Tribunal at Nuremberg by expressing the hope that those prosecutions would
“put the forces of international law, its precepts, its prohibitions and,
most of all, its sanctions, on the side of peace.” Winston Churchill, in
contrast, believed that Nazi leaders should be “hunted down and shot.”
However, in the end, a more measured approach prevailed, substituting the
hand of vengeance with the judgement of the law.

A decade after Darfur first entered headlines for the Sudanese government’s
abuses against its marginalized Fur, Masalit and Zaghawa communities,
Bashir’s forces are continuing that campaign. Impunity has allowed the same
Janjaweed forces who directed attacks over a decade ago to be given charge
of better equipped and government financed terror brigades called the Rapid
Support Forces. In Darfur, due to the Sudanese government’s obstruction,
international law’s force has yet to be put to service on the side of peace.

But there is a silver lining. From the African Union-backed effort to
prosecute Habré in Senegal, to the South African court’s ruling on Bashir’s
arrest, accountability efforts are gaining ground. Despite head of state
opposition, creative lawyers, civil society groups in Africa are
recapturing the best of the legacy of Nuremberg.

*John Prendergast is the founding director of the Enough Project, where
Akshaya Kumar is a policy analyst.*

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