---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: IRIN <[email protected]>
Date: Wed, Aug 5, 2015 at 3:02 AM
Subject: Your daily selection of IRIN Africa English reports, 8/4/2015
To: Elisabeth Janaina <[email protected]>


 [image: IRINnews logo] <http://www.irinnews.org/>
humanitarian news and analysis

Table of contents
1. Aid reform: Turkeys won’t vote for Christmas <#14efb2e8dd3246b1_1>
2. Church v state: a worrying dynamic for Burundi <#14efb2e8dd3246b1_2>
------------------------------
*Aid reform: Turkeys won’t vote for Christmas
<http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=101819>*

[image: lead photo]DUBAI, 4 August 2015 (IRIN) - Aid policy experts are
talking about improving delivery and doing things better, finding new
financing streams, and, most of all, localising response.

But can you really just push money down the chain to local organisations
and expect better results, or is it time to take a candid look at the
entire humanitarian architecture and rethink the incentive structure?

A key challenge for the sector, with its complex and competing interests,
is its sheer size: international NGOs (INGOs) are now larger, more numerous
and more corporate than ever before.

“Big international organisations have become hugely successful in terms of
fundraising and marketing… monopolising the best funding opportunities,
choking off opportunities for everybody else,” said Lydia Poole, an
independent aid policy consultant.

“Everybody is evangelising about the need to change, and INGOs are
championing the need to increase funding to local and national actors,” she
told IRIN. “But I fail to see how that's going to work in practice because
it is essentially an existential challenge to them.”

*SEE: It’s all about the money
<http://www.irinnews.org/report/101694/it-s-all-about-the-moneyhttp://www.irinnews.org/report/101694/it-s-all-about-the-money>*

Speaking on aid reform in late July, Kyung-wha Kang, the UN’s assistant
secretary-general for humanitarian affairs and deputy emergency relief
coordinator, called for the power balance to be radically altered.

“I think turning the whole system on its head so that we see the
international system shrinking and the local capacity growing is how we
want to proceed,” she said.

Kang imagined an “ideal world” where local communities were more resilient
and self-reliant, national authorities were there to help, and “the
international humanitarian sector is really reduced to a minimum, stepping
in where only absolutely necessary to do so.”

Oxfam's recently-released research on the subject is entitled "Turning the
Humanitarian System on its Head
<https://www.oxfam.org/en/research/turning-humanitarian-system-its-head>".

*SEE: The humanitarian economy
<http://newirin.irinnews.org/the-humanitarian-economyhttp://newirin.irinnews.org/the-humanitarian-economy%20http://newirin.irinnews.org/the-humanitarian-economy>*

For Sandra Aviles, a senior advisor on programme development and
humanitarian affairs at the UN’s Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO),
the issue of “market share” and the fact that the aid industry is “a
business” are major roadblocks to reform.

“If we don’t look at some of these architectural issues and incentives head
on, we are not going to really tackle the problem of funding,” she told
IRIN.

*Time to deconstruct?*

In parallel with this soul-searching on aid reform ahead of next May’s
World Humanitarian Summit in Istanbul, researchers at the Humanitarian
Policy Group (HPG), part of London’s Overseas Development Institute (ODI),
have embarked on a two-year project entitled “Constructive deconstruction:
rethinking the global humanitarian architecture.”
We can’t just give more money to local organisations to keep on doing
things we’ve been doing all this time and expect it to work.

The research aims to get a better understanding of how the humanitarian
sectors’ systemic relationships, power structures and assumptions influence
output, in order to come up with meaningful reform ideas.

“Until we start to look at the incentive structures in the international
aid system, the way that NGOs and UN agencies are funded, and the way that
the business model of the humanitarian system works, nothing is going to
change,” Christina Bennett, HPG research fellow told IRIN.

The UK’s Department for International Development (DFID) is also trying to
take *a sideways look
<https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/438773/ITT-TORS-Effectiveness-Coherence-Accountability-Humanitarian-System.pdf>*
at the aid system. It is employing a team of researchers to analyse “the
effectiveness, coherence and accountability of the humanitarian system to
help inform its financing model, also under review.”

“We can’t just give more money to local organisations to keep on doing
things we’ve been doing all this time and expect it to work,” Bennett said,
calling for a “mind-set change.”

It is time, Bennett said, for humanitarians to think of themselves as a
“network” or “constellation of actors,” rather than “a hierarchical system
or a formal bureaucracy.”

“Being networked means sharing information,” she added. “It’s about having
complementary ways of working, adopting a more market-based approach where
you’re asking who is most effective and efficient and who is able to
specialise, not who is bigger and attracts more money and has more flags
out in the field.”

Taylor Seybolt, associate professor of international affairs at the
University of Pittsburgh and director of the Ford Institute for Human
Security, supported Bennett’s call for a more network-based approach.

“The idea of a network,” he said, “is that you can find a balance between
the best aspects of a hierarchical system and of a market system.

"Hierarchical systems are stultified and slow to respond, whereas markets
are more nimble and prone to failure of individual enterprises, which in a
humanitarian context wouldn’t mean losing only money, it would mean losing
lives. So it’s not an approach to aspire to."

*Supply and demand*

The power of the supplier (INGO) – over the consumer (the aid beneficiary)
– is another big problem, as is competition between agencies for funds and
profile.

The current humanitarian business model is reactive, inefficient and
predominantly supply-driven, giving end users very little say about what
kind of products and services they receive,” explained Aviles.

"I see some things happening in our sector and I think, we are just not in
the business of helping affected populations. If we were, we would do
things very differently from what we are doing.”

Seybolt diagnoses the peculiarities of the system with economic theory: an
oligopoly of donors (a limited number of suppliers) and an oligopsony of
aid agencies (a limited number of consumers).“
There's no magic pot of gold at the end of the rainbow that's going to fix
all of this stuff. It is more complicated than that.
Aviles, who is also a part of the Future Humanitarian Financing (FHF)
initiative, which is looking at new approaches for emergency aid funding,
said there were too many “non-incentives” in the system.

“It sounds perverse, but there are no incentives for humanitarians to look
at exit strategies and therefore look at the way they are doing business or
look outside of their sector for solutions.”

*Opportunities*

Bennett believes the WHS is a “perfect opportunity” to address the systemic
issues. But while there has been plenty of discussion about what changes
are needed, not enough people are asking the “hard questions.”

“We need to turn the business model around and get to those incentive
structures. Until we do, a lot of this debate is lip service and we won’t
be able to get to the heart of why we’ve not been able to put our
localisation agenda into practice.”

Poole, who worked on the FHF’s May report, Looking Beyond the Crisis, which
advocates reforms such as multi-year financing and a fundamental change in
the division of labour, also welcomed the WHS spotlight on humanitarian
funding, but said the debate was too “circular.”

Calling out the idea to set a target for how much aid money donors should
spend “locally,” she said: “I find the focus on this fixed funding target
so disappointing because it's just such a simplistic response to what is
quite a complex problem.

“Everybody seems to be looking for big ideas, big fixes and big pots of
money, but those things just don't exist. There's no magic pot of gold at
the end of the rainbow that's going to fix all of this stuff. It is more
complicated than that. It’s about how you tweak the system so that the
incentives are different.”

lr/bp/ag
Access report online <http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=101819>
------------------------------
*Church v state: a worrying dynamic for Burundi
<http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=101824>*

[image: lead photo]BUJUMBURA, 4 August 2015 (IRIN) - The growing schism
between the Catholic Church and Burundi’s political leadership is a
particularly worrisome aspect of the fallout from President Pierre
Nkurunziza’s bid for a third term, which has already seen dozens killed in
protests and 175,000 people, mostly women and children, flee the country
since April.

More recent signs of violent instability a decade after the end of a
13-year civil war include the weekend assassination of Adolphe
Nshimirimana, an army general and intelligence chief said to be the second
most powerful man in the country, and the serious wounding in a shooting
incident of Pierre Claver Mbonimpa, a leading human rights activist.

The Catholic Church has played a key role during years of talks between
opposition groups and the government, dialogue designed to shore up peace
since the end of the war, which claimed some 300,000 lives.

On 21 July, Nkurunziza won a predicted landslide victory in a presidential
election. The Catholic Church had been among the first bodies to speak out
against his candidature, which was widely condemned as being in violation
of the constitution and the Arusha Peace and Reconciliation Accord signed
in 2000. Deeming the entire electoral process flawed, the church cancelled
its plans to deploy some 6,000 observers during the poll.

Supporters of the president responded by intimidating and threatening a
number of bishops and archbishops. Intelligence agents appeared in
churches, monitoring sermons.

The East African Community report on the elections concluded that
“successive efforts to build consensus through inclusive dialogue among
Burundi stakeholders have not been successful,” and called on all
stakeholders to re-engage in candid and inclusive dialogue to find a
solution to the political impasse.

According to Father Emmanuel, a priest who chose to use a pseudonym because
of his own security concerns, that is going to be difficult. “They’re no
longer listening to the priests and the bishops. If the church and the
state are not on good terms, the consequences will be severe.”

Aside from its key role in political dialogue, the church manages numerous
health and educational facilities, with its staff being paid salaries by
the state. This support, according to Emmanuel, now looks uncertain.

The Arusha agreement lay at the heart of the church’s condemnation of
Nkurunziza’s third term bid. Mike Jobbins, the head of Search for Common
Ground, a peace-building NGO, described that deal as “the Magna Carta of
independence; a commitment to power sharing, to ethnic balance, to
sacrificing individual interests in favour of peace and security in the
country.”

The Catholic Church in Burundi, with support from the Vatican, was
instrumental in bringing warring parties to the negotiating table and
drafting the agreement. While not a legally binding document, its
provisions, which include a two-term limit, have Burundi’s post-war
dispensation.
“The Arusha agreement is not perfect, but it’s the best we have,” said
Gabriel Baregensabe, who has been a priest for 42 years and the secretary
general of the Bishops’ Conference of Burundi for the past decade. He said
the decision not to back the president was a difficult one for the church.

<http:///Photo/Details/201505132029450891/Recent-turmoil-in-Burundi-was-punctuated-by-a-failed-coup-in-May>
Photo: Desire Nimubona/IRIN <http://www.irinnews.org/photo>
Recent turmoil in Burundi was punctuated by a failed coup in May
“The bishops gathered and took their time to ensure that they were doing
what was right for the people and that they spoke the truth accordingly,
because they knew what they were saying would mean war,” he told IRIN. The
bishops had decided that defending the Arusha accords was, on balance, best
for the people.

If dialogue continues to falter, the church’s decision could indeed mean
war. Opposition leaders and dissident generals who backed a failed coup in
May met on 30 July in Addis Ababa to discuss how to form a unified front
against Nkurunziza. “We cannot exclude the use of force,” Anicet Niyonkuru,
president of the national opposition council and leader of Burundi’s CDP
party, told journalists.

The Sunday killing in Bujumbura of spy chief Nshimirimana was carried out
using small arms and rockets. The general was widely thought to have
orchestrated the crackdown on street protests against Nkurunziza’s third
term bid, which began in May.

African Union Commission chief Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma described the killing
as a “barbaric act that is likely to further destabilise the country.” She
urged the Burundian government, opposition political parties and civil
society "to work very closely together to find a lasting solution to the
current crisis.”

But the government no longer sees the Catholic Church as an honest broker
in such dialogue, as was displayed by a recent broadside from presidential
spokesman Willy Nyamitwe that only a few months ago would have been
unthinkable.

“People are dying,” Nyamitwe said. “Grenades are launched at dawn on our
citizens. Have you seen any bishop condemn this? No. Because they’re
implicated.… We can’t say they are people who present a model of morality.”

“That was his way of telling us to shut up,” said Father Emmanuel, who
lives in an opposition neighbourhood that has been a flashpoint for
violence over the last three months. He said this attitude from the
president’s office was only adding to citizens’ disquiet. “They ask
themselves: ‘If the political authorities dare to attack our pastors like
that, then what will become of us?’”

After three months of arrests, torture, grenade blasts and after-dark
shootings, people are deeply afraid, tired and worried, Father Emmanuel
said. Some are experiencing a crisis of confidence in the church, one of
the few places where they found peace and solace and where political
affiliations could be cast aside.

“There’s no longer any hope. The ruling party has announced that it’s going
to continue. Others have announced they’re going to start fighting. People
are coming to us, left and right, calling for help,” he said.

“People are asking, ‘what should we be doing?’ We can give them God’s word,
but people don’t know how to turn that into a concrete reality. It feels
like we have no more lessons to give. People are starting to condemn God.”

A Burundian political analyst working for a European diplomatic mission who
preferred not to be named said he believed Nkurunziza needed both the
international community and the Catholic Church.

“Nkurunziza can change,” the analyst said. “If they [the Catholic Church]
fight him, there won’t be peace, won’t be human rights, won’t be democracy.
They will do everything they can to keep the channels of negotiation open.”

jh/am/ag


Access report online <http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=101824>
------------------------------
Copyright © IRIN. All rights reserved. Details:
http://www.irinnews.org/copyright

 unsubscribe <http://www.irinnews.org/registration/account/Unsubscribe>| change
your subscription settings <http://www.irinnews.org/registration/account/>


[image: Facebook]
<https://api.addthis.com/oexchange/0.8/forward/facebook/offer?url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.irinnews.org&pubid=ra-5165551068a72215&ct=1&title=IRIN%20-%20%20the%20inside%20story%20on%20emergencies&pco=tbxnj-1.0>
[image:
Twitter]
<https://api.addthis.com/oexchange/0.8/forward/twitter/offer?url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.irinnews.org&pubid=ra-5165551068a72215&ct=1&title=IRIN%20-%20%20the%20inside%20story%20on%20emergencies&pco=tbxnj-1.0>
[image:
WhatsApp]
<https://api.addthis.com/oexchange/0.8/forward/whatsapp/offer?url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.irinnews.org&pubid=ra-5165551068a72215&ct=1&title=IRIN%20-%20%20the%20inside%20story%20on%20emergencies&pco=tbxnj-1.0>
[image:
LinkedIn]
<https://api.addthis.com/oexchange/0.8/forward/linkedin/offer?url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.irinnews.org&pubid=ra-5165551068a72215&ct=1&title=IRIN%20-%20%20the%20inside%20story%20on%20emergencies&pco=tbxnj-1.0>
[image:
Addthis]
<https://www.addthis.com/bookmark.php?source=tbx32nj-1.0&v=300&url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.irinnews.org&pubid=ra-5165551068a72215&ct=1&title=IRIN%20-%20%20the%20inside%20story%20on%20emergencies&pco=tbxnj-1.0>

-- 
To post to this group, send email to [email protected]
To unsubscribe from this group, send email to 
[email protected]
Visit this group at https://groups.google.com/d/forum/southsudankob
View this message at 
https://groups.google.com/d/msg/southsudankob/topic-id/message-id
For more options, visit https://groups.google.com/d/optout
--- 
You received this message because you are subscribed to the Google Groups 
"South Sudan Info - The Kob" group.
To unsubscribe from this group and stop receiving emails from it, send an email 
to [email protected].
To post to this group, send email to [email protected].
Visit this group at http://groups.google.com/group/SouthSudanKob.
To view this discussion on the web visit 
https://groups.google.com/d/msgid/SouthSudanKob/CAJb14op2oWWj6O61%3D8NU4koXMVaCQxNd41bywwF%2BVdGA_hHvaw%40mail.gmail.com.
For more options, visit https://groups.google.com/d/optout.
Title: Untitled Page
Parameter is not valid.
at System.Drawing.Bitmap..ctor(String filename, Boolean useIcm) at Photo_Download.Page_Load(Object sender, EventArgs e) in c:\inetpub\newsite\photo\Download.aspx.cs:line 88

--
To post to this group, send email to [email protected]
To unsubscribe from this group, send email to [email protected]
Visit this group at https://groups.google.com/d/forum/southsudankob
View this message at https://groups.google.com/d/msg/southsudankob/topic-id/message-id
For more options, visit https://groups.google.com/d/optout
---
You received this message because you are subscribed to the Google Groups "South Sudan Info - The Kob" group.
To unsubscribe from this group and stop receiving emails from it, send an email to [email protected].
To post to this group, send email to [email protected].
Visit this group at http://groups.google.com/group/SouthSudanKob.
To view this discussion on the web visit https://groups.google.com/d/msgid/SouthSudanKob/CAJb14op2oWWj6O61%3D8NU4koXMVaCQxNd41bywwF%2BVdGA_hHvaw%40mail.gmail.com.
For more options, visit https://groups.google.com/d/optout.

Reply via email to