The Oil Revenues’ deal between South Sudan and Sudan: Does it make sense?
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BY: Dr. Lako Jada KWAJOK, FEB/01/2016, SSN;

Today in Juba, the SSP (South Sudanese pound) plummeted to a new low
with one US Dollar equal to 30 SSPs. It was down from one Dollar to
5.5 SSP nearly a year ago. Our national currency lost 545% of its
value in a space of 10 months. It’s a rapid downturn of uncertain
outcome.

The US Dollar has an inverse relation to the crude oil price. As crude
oil prices continue to fall, the situation can only get worse with a
stronger US Dollar and a rapidly diminishing value for the SSP.

It’s now very likely that crude oil prices could drop to the prices
before the oil embargo that was imposed by the Organisation of Arab
Petroleum Exporting Countries (OAPEC) in the aftermath of the Yom
Kippur war between Arabs and Israel in October 1973. Then the price of
crude oil was under 10 US Dollars per a barrel.

When we reach that, which is entirely plausible, only God knows what
would happen to the working class in South Sudan. The layperson is
feeling the impact of the drop in crude oil prices differently
depending on where he or she lives in the world.

In Juba, the price of a litre of petrol soared from 6 SSP a month ago
to 22 SSP today. While motorists are reeling from the high prices of
petrol and diesel at the pump in South Sudan, their counterparts in
the West are making significant savings out of low fuel prices.

Governments are creating more jobs; entrepreneurs are expanding their
businesses and companies are hiring more workers. They are now smiling
and laughing all the way to their banks as their fortunes are
gradually getting bigger and bigger.

Right now a motorist, say in France which does not produce crude oil
is far better off in terms of fuel expenses than his counterpart in
South Sudan. Jesus! We do produce oil and yet our motorists have to
pay more!

A memo issued by the South Sudan’s Petroleum and Mining ministry on
17/01/2016 regarding oil production which is 165,000 barrels per day
reads, “We are left with no option at the moment rather than shut it
down because it’s not feasible. We cannot sell the oil at a loss.”

But before the recent fall in oil prices, were we selling the oil at a
profit? Let us examine the deal struck between the regime in Juba and
the Sudan government in August 2013.

South Sudan agreed to pay $ 9.50 per barrel for the oil produced in
Upper Nile state and $ 11.00 per barrel for that produced in unity
state as transportation fees. The total charge made to $ 25.00 per a
barrel by including the repayment of a 3 billion USDs compensatory
package over a three years period.

Apparently South Sudan agreed to pay the Sudan a transitional
financial assistance that is the average of the accepted oil
transportation fees. It’s important to know for comparison that the
greater Nile pipeline that transports our oil is 1,600 Km long.

At the time of the above agreement; crude oil prices were hovering
between $ 41.00 and $ 42.00 per barrel.That means South Sudan was
getting between $ 16.00 and $ 17.00 per barrel while Sudan was
scooping a fixed $ 25.00 per a barrel.

Therefore, I don’t understand what the Ministry of Petroleum and
Mining calls as, “selling the oil at a loss,” when it’s quite evident
that it has been all along selling it at a significant loss.

Furthermore, Sudan’s Minister of Finance, Badr AL-Din Mahmoud told
Sudan’s lawmakers that Juba failed to honour its commitments by not
paying the transportation fees hence his government was forced to take
its share in kind according to the cooperation agreement signed by the
two countries.

No permission sought, and prior notification not given to our
government – the Jallabas just helped themselves to our oil as they
did before. It shows without ambiguity which country has got the
leverage in the oil revenues issue.

The regime in Juba only has itself to blame for this unusual situation
where the producer of a strategic commodity gets much less revenue
than the “middleman.”

The August 2015 deal is a big blunder with tremendous negative
consequences for the South Sudanese economy. It’s obvious that it
resulted in loss of an immense amount of revenue that could have
helped our economy.

Responsible governments do not negotiate and enter into such
agreements without full knowledge of previous deals and experiences of
other countries. Much of the relevant facts are in the public domain
and accessible to everyone.

For example, Chad has been paying Cameroon 40.09 Cents per a barrel as
transportation fees for its oil pumped from three oil fields in Doba,
southern Chad to an export facility near the city of Kribi on the
Atlantic shore. The length of the pipeline is 1,070 Km. It has been
the case since the completion of the pipeline in 2003.

It was only on 30th October 2013 that the two countries agreed to
increase the transportation fees to $ 1.30 per a barrel.

The Iraqi oil that is being pumped through pipelines from oil fields
in Kirkuk to Baniyas (800 Km) and Ceyhan (970Km ) in Syria and Turkey
respectively has comparable transportation fees to the Chadian oil.

In the USA, the pipeline that transports crude oil from oil fields in
Alberta, Canada to Cushing in Texas is 4,924 Km long. The
transportation fees are $ 3.78 and $ 4.54 per barrel for light and
heavy crude oils respectively.

I don’t think the government negotiators were totally unaware of the
above facts. However, their extraordinary leniency is quite puzzling.
One would have expected them to rise above personal and party
interests and focus on the interests of the country in the long term.

Three explanations could be relevant to why we ended up with such an
unprecedented deal.

Firstly, the regime negotiators were negotiating while bearing in mind
the need to preserve extra special relations with Sudan. They were our
fellow countrymen in the past and could well be the same in future
when the country is reunited again.

Therefore extreme leniency on the part of our negotiators is justified
to alleviate the plight of our future fellow citizens who are
suffering from a bankrupt economy like ours.

We should not underestimate the fact that Dr John Garang and many in
the SPLM top hierarchy were and still supporting the idea of a unified
New Sudan.

The former Federal Minister of Petroleum in the Government of National
Unity (GoNU), Dr Lual Deng was quite vocal against secession on the
eve of the referendum and we know he was not alone among the SPLM
cadres.

It’s easy to understand why we were dragged into this unfair deal as
the negotiators were likely to be his former colleagues who share
similar views with him. When you add to that the insistence not to
retire the names SPLM and SPLA to history museums and history books
and the maintenance of strong ties with SPLM-N, things seem to fall
into place.

There could be a line of thinking within the SPLM party that SPLM-N
could one day ascend to power in the north with the facilitation of
reunification and the realisation of the dream of New Sudan.

Secondly, we are just witnessing the result of unmerited appointment
of people in high positions in the government based on tribalism and
nepotism. It’s obvious that our negotiators were not up to the task.

The portrayal of our politicians as amateurs and buffoons by the
Jallaba’s media could have some truth in it.

Thirdly, it must be understood that the regime negotiators were under
enormous pressure to strike a deal at any cost because they needed
money quite badly. It was a pretty weak position to begin with in such
negotiations and the other party was well aware of that fact. They
were no match to the Jallabas who managed to dictate the terms of the
agreement.

Crude oil prices are known to be extremely volatile. It relates to its
geopolitical qualities and history has shown the use of it as a weapon
at least once.

Therefore it’s quite risky to depend wholly on oil revenues and
neglect the utilisation of other resources for an alternative source
of income.

We have seen how Russia, which is a superpower, was on the brink of
economic collapse due to falling oil prices and heavy dependence on
oil revenues. The Russian Rouble lost 40 % of its value against the US
Dollar within weeks and few months and the Russian economy is not yet
out of the wood.

The problem is that you cannot know for sure how much revenue you will
get the next day let alone next week, next month or next year. Hence
you cannot have an accurate forecast of revenues in few years to come.

Economic plans need accurate or near accurate revenue projections and
this is why you hear about a 3-years, 5-years or 10-years plans.
Obviously, these cannot be based solely on oil revenues due to their
inherent volatility.

Our negotiators gave the Sudan something it wouldn’t have dreamed of –
actual revenues for the next 3 years. By getting a fixed amount of $
25.00 per a barrel, it knows exactly how much revenue it will get in
the next three years regardless of the volatility of the oil prices.

The only caveat to that is a drop in oil production which seems quite
unlikely. The Sudan can start a 3-years economic plan using the said
funds or allocate them to a major project like building a
hydroelectric dam.

While the Sudan seems to enjoy its new-found fortune, we are running
out of cash and rapidly heading towards total economic collapse. Our
negotiators shouldn’t have agreed to a fixed transportation fees that
high.

Last week crude oil prices fell to $ 26.00 per a barrel and we do know
that our oil sells at a lower price. It means whatever oil sales we
get will not be enough to pay the Sudan and South Sudan goes away
empty handed.

Again they shouldn’t have relinquished our right to reduce the
transportation fees unilaterally when there is such a drop in oil
prices.
END OF PART ONE

Dr Lako Jada Kwajok
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