How to undermine Africa’s independent media
By George Ogola
April 19, 2017
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The media may be legally protected, but there are still subtle ways
for governments to exercise control.
Controlling Africa's media.

Kenya is the latest government to pull ads, and by extension huge sums
of money, from commercial media houses. Credit: Together Liberia/
David Trotman-Wilkins.

National governments remain the single largest source of revenue for
news organisations in Africa. In Rwanda, for example, a staggering
85-90% of advertising revenue comes from the public sector. The
Conversation

In Kenya, it’s estimated that 30% of newspaper revenue comes from
government advertising. In 2013, the government spent Ksh40 million
($390,000) in two weeks just to publish congratulatory messages for
the new President Uhuru Kenyatta.

But with a general election coming up this August, the Kenyan
government has decided to stop advertising in local commercial media.

In a memo, reportedly sent to all government accounting officers, the
directive was given that state departments and agencies would only
advertise in My.Gov, a government newspaper and online portal.
Electronic advertising would only be aired on the state broadcaster,
the Kenya Broadcasting Corporation.

It’s difficult not to characterise the withdrawal of state advertising
from commercial media as punitive. Without this revenue stream,
newspapers are likely to fold.

Worse still, efforts to withdraw government advertising from
commercial media can be interpreted as a worrying way to undermine
freedom of expression.

Starving news media of revenue is a means of indirect state control.
This has been the case in countries such as Serbia, Hungary, Namibia,
Lesotho and Swaziland.

But to fully understand the link between government spend on
advertising and media freedom it’s important to take a historical
perspective.
How did we get here?

The 1990s saw the adoption of multi-party politics in many African
countries. This led to relatively liberal constitutions in South
Africa, Kenya, Nigeria and Ghana among others.

But since then, most African governments have grown anxious about
their inability to control the local news agenda, much less articulate
government policy.

For governments in countries such as Ethiopia, Uganda, Zimbabwe and
more recently Tanzania, controlling the news agenda is seen as a means
to stay in power. Views that compete with the state position are often
cast as legitimising the opposition agenda.

This is part of a much broader strategy for political control which
Africanist historians and political scientists have called the
“ideology of order“. This is based on the premise that dissent is a
threat to nation-building and must therefore be diminished.

The narrative was popularised by most post-independence African
governments and emphasised through incessant calls for what they liked
to call “unity”.

In Kenya, former president Daniel Moi even coined his own political
philosophy of “peace, love and unity“. Citizens were expected to
accept this narrative unequivocally. Dissenting views were undermined
through state-controlled media such as the Kenya Broadcasting
Corporation and newspapers such as the Kenya Times.

>From the 1960s to 1980s, African governments conveniently used the
nation-building argument to suppress legitimate dissent. Opposition
was punished by imprisonment, forced exile and even death. This was
common practice in Kenya, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Uganda,
and in West Africa more generally.

By contrast, the current political climate on the continent is
premised on constitutional safeguards, including the protection of
free speech, which make these kinds of punishments unlikely in the
present day. Many countries now have institutional safeguards
including fairly robust judicial systems capable of withstanding the
tyranny of naked state repression.

But as a result, the media is controlled in subtler ways and its
violence is softer. It’s against this background the withdrawal of
government adverts from the commercial media in Kenya can be seen.
Controlling the media purse

In Kenya, the decision to withdraw advertising followed a special
cabinet meeting which agreed that a new newspaper would be launched to
articulate the government agenda more accurately.

The government also argued that the move was part of an initiative to
curb runaway spending by lowering advertising spend in Kenya’s
mainstream media and directing money instead to the new title.

A similar move was made in South Africa last year when the
government’s communications arm announced that it would scale down
government advertising in local commercial media. Instead,
advertisements would be carried in the government newspaper
Vuk’uzenzele. The decision withdrew an estimated $30 million from the
country’s commercial newspaper industry.

The South African government also claimed that the move was made to
reduce government spending. But critics have argued that the decision
was made to punish a media outlet that’s been particularly critical of
President Jacob Zuma’s presidency.

In both Kenya and South Africa, the decisions have hit at a
particularly hard time for the media industry, providing governments
with the perfect tool with which to control the press.
Will a free press survive?

Commercial news media is going through a period of unprecedented
crisis. The old business models are unable to sustain media operations
as audiences adopt new ways of consuming news.

More than that, mass audiences are growing ever smaller. Newspapers in
particular haven’t been able to adapt to the changing profile of the
old versus the new newspaper reader.

The effect has been that newspapers are no longer as attractive to
advertisers. As such, they have to rely a lot more on state money and
patronage for survival.

To sidestep state control, commercial media in Africa must rethink
their business models and diversify their revenue streams.

It won’t be an easy road, but non-state media must also work hard to
disrupt a re-emerging narrative of “order”. Nation states cannot
revert to the dark days when government policy was singular and
alternative viewpoints were silenced or delegitimised.

This article was originally published on here on The Conversation.

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