Nigeria: Coup rumours reflect rising distrust in Buhari’s absence
By Idayat Hassan
May 23, 2017
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Coup? Don’t even dare.

Nigerian military forces on international duty. Credit: AU-UN ST PHOTO
/ STUART PRICE

Last week, Nigeria’s Chief of Army Staff, Tukur Buratai, issued a
stern warning to soldiers to stay out of politics, raising alarm of a
potential coup plot.

His statement claimed that individuals had been approaching army
officers for political reasons, and cautioned: “Any officer or soldier
of the Nigerian Army found to be hobnobbing with such elements or
engaging in unprofessional conducts such as politicking, would have
himself or herself to blame.”

Since that warning, the army has reportedly stepped up security
measures and transferred several senior officers, while prominent
figures have spoken out against the possibility of a coup.

This talk of a covert plot to take power is the latest conspiracy
theory to do the rounds in Nigeria since President Muhammadu Buhari’s
health took a turn for the worse earlier this year. Buhari spent
nearly two months in London for medical treatment from mid-January to
mid-March. On his return home, he said that he had never been “so
sick” in his life and talked about undergoing “blood transfusion”.

This somewhat contradicted the suggestion that he was simply suffering
from routine health issues, a narrative his aides have sometimes tried
to push. However, Buhari’s specific illnesses, or exactly how serious
they are, remain secret.

On 7 May, Buhari returned to London for further treatment, triggering
a fresh flurry of activity and round of rumours about both his health
and what might happen if he cannot continue.

[Nigeria: After Buhari…?]
“Turn by turn”

At the heart of many of the conspiracy theories is the issue of
Nigeria’s zoning arrangement. According to this informal agreement,
the presidency is supposed to alternate between an individual from the
north and south every eight years.

This pattern was previously interrupted in 2010 when President Umaru
Yar’Adua, a northerner, died in office just three years into his term.
He was replaced by his deputy Goodluck Jonathan, a southerner.

Jonathan not only saw out the final year of Yar’Adua’s tenure but went
on to contest and win the 2011 elections and serve out another
four-year term. This put the system known locally as “turn by turn”
into disarray. It has meant that in 13 of the 18 years since the
return to multi-party democracy in 1999, the president has come from
the south.

When Buhari, a northerner, stood against Jonathan in the 2015
elections and won, there was a sense that the north finally had its
turn. But given Buhari’s poor health, there are growing fears that
this turn may get cut short once again.

This possibility, which would see southerner and Vice-President Yemi
Osinbajo become president, is agitating certain groups. According to
rumours, interested individuals have already come up with different
scenarios to avoid the north losing power if Buhari cannot continue.

One sees both Buhari and Osinbajo being impeached. If this were to
happen, the Senate President, Bukola Saraki, would assume office for
three months and oversee the organisation of a fresh election. Another
sees the President and Vice-President jointly resigning, triggering
fresh elections. And another sees the two removed for illegally
overspending during the 2015 elections; there are reports suggesting
both the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) and opposition Peoples
Democratic Party (PDP) flouted the campaign ceiling.

A final scenario – if the army chief’s comments last week are
indicative – is a coup d’état. This approach would circumvent the
uncertainty of holding an election, but raise untold others.
A dangerous rumour mill

These conspiracy theories and alleged plans are reflective of the
current political mood in Nigeria, and mix together with other rumours
and claims that are circulating.

One particularly insidious conspiracy theory centres on the fact that
since Nigeria gained independence in 1960, all the northern leaders
that have risen to the highest position have either been killed in
office or removed. Abubakar Tafa Balewa was killed in the 1966
military coup; Murtala Muhammed was assassinated in 1976; Shehu
Shagari was overthrown in 1983 (albeit by Buhari, another northerner);
Sani Abacha was struck down by a heart attack while in office in 1998;
and Yar’Adua died as president in 2010.

The wild suggestion is that this pattern is no coincidence and that
Buhari is now being poisoned slowly. Another rumour maintains that APC
strongman Bola Tinubu was aware of the president’s health ahead of the
elections and that he engineered Buhari’s rise as part of a long game
that would end up with a Yoruba in power.

What these dangerous rumours point to is the extent to which the
political landscape has become polarised. The hateful comments
pervading the country are creating animosity, distrust and suspicion.

When Buhari returned in March, there were huge outpourings of love and
relief in the north and elsewhere. If the president – so beloved in
certain parts of the country – doesn’t complete his term and there are
suggestions of foul play or perceived attempts to seize power from the
north, things could escalate and turn violent.
Best and worst case scenarios

There are perhaps two possible best case scenarios for Nigeria at the
moment depending on Buhari’s health.

If the president is fit enough, he could complete his term with
Vice-President Osinbajo continuing to take on many of the actual
responsibilities as is the case currently. If Buhari is not able to
finish his term, the VP could take over but make it clear that, unlike
Jonathan, he will not to contest in the 2019 elections, allowing a
northerner to regain the presidency.

There are many more worrying possible outcomes, but the very worst
case scenario would a coup. Amongst other things, such a plan would be
completely out of tune with present day realities of the continent in
general but West Africa in particular. The regional bloc ECOWAS
forbids unconstitutional changes of government, and the body as well
as national citizens of various countries have acted to vigorously
counteract such moves in recent years.

In Burkina Faso, General Gilbert Diendéré’s 2015 coup barely lasted a
week before he was forced to return power to the transitional
government. In Mali, Major Amadou Sanogo’s takeover in 2012 didn’t
last much longer. And at the start of this year, The Gambia’s Yahya
Jammeh was confronted by a wide host of steadfast regional neighbours
when he tried to stay in office after losing the elections.

Aside from the potential turmoil, death and destruction that an
attempted coup could unleash, the experiences of other countries in
the region should be enough to deter any would-be plotters from daring
to even contemplate a coup in Nigeria.

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