Shuffering and shmiling through Lagos’ elitist 50-year celebrations
By Wilfred Okiche
May 24, 2017
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Where were the poor, Igbos and other minorities in the state’s 50-day
birthday party?
Otodo-Gbame in Lagos being razed.

On 9 April, Lagos State Task Force enter Otodo-Gbame, firing tear gas
and bullets, and destroying buildings. Credit: Justice & Empowerment
Initiative.

Lagos state, Nigeria’s economic and commercial capital, turns fifty
this year. To celebrate, Governor Akinwunmi Ambode and his team have
embarked on a two-month bacchanal that swells with excess as much as
it rankles with tone deafness.

The planning committee for the Lagos@50 mega-party is captained by
Nigeria’s only Nobel Laureate, Wole Soyinka, and members include
luminaries such as arts entrepreneur Bolanle Austen-Peters. Boosting
the city’s image as a cultural melting pot, the line-up of activities
includes film screenings, music concerts, art exhibitions and a
colourful boat regatta.

However, like many ideas that have their origins in spacious
government offices, this one – complete with a trend-ready hashtag –
is shockingly out of touch with most of Lagos’ 21 million inhabitants.

While elites gather on the upscale Victoria Island to clink glasses
and make toasts to the city that has given them so much, the urban
poor that make up the majority of the city’s residents remain largely
oblivious of the 50 days of celebrations. They continue to struggle
with the ugly day-to-day realities of living in the economic recession
that hit Nigeria with a vengeance in 2016.
Sorrows, tears and blood

The stark disparity between Lagos’ haves and the have-nots was
highlighted in March when the state government, accompanied by police,
descended on Otodo-Gbame, a riverine community settlement in Lekki.
They demolished structures, forcing residents to flee for their lives
on boats and canoes amidst a hail of bullets and tear gas.

This happened despite an injunction from a Lagos High Court
restraining further demolitions. Despite national and international
outrage, the state government remained adamant, citing security
concerns.

The destruction exercise continued without a thought to resettlement
for the victims in April. The same month, the American cast and crew
of Fela! The Broadway Musical were flown in to perform a concert based
on their Tony Award-winning show.

Outside the gates of the venue for the event, victims of the
Otodo-Gbame demolition and their sympathisers gathered in protest.
They held up placards condemning the government brutality, echoing
everything the Afrobeat pioneer Fela Anikulapo-Kuti – on whose life
the musical Fela! is based – had stood against.

In the ‘70s and ‘80s, Fela was a thorn in the side of the military
establishment that was headquartered in Lagos. He became a legend by
playing defiant anti-establishment songs that gave renewed, feverish
meaning to the notion of protest music.

At his compound, known as the Kalakuta Republic, where followers
gathered to watch him perform on a regular basis, Fela railed against
the corrupt political class with biting satirical take-downs. Even
when he decried complacency among the masses, it was always clear
which side he stood on.

The idea of the Lagos elite being entertained by Fela’s angst-driven
Sorrows, Tears and Blood and Shuffering and Shmiling in splendorous
settings, while downtrodden citizens, a few metres outside lamented
their ill-treatment by a government elected to serve and protect,
reeks of insensitivity and appropriation of the worst kind.
Whose Lagos?

With its infrastructural advances and opportunities made possible by
its proximity to the sea, Lagos has been open for business from as
early as 1472, when Portuguese explorer Rui de Sequeira visited the
area. Over the centuries, Lagos has developed in a thriving hub,
attracting a diverse mix of people from all ethnicities.

One of the groups that has been crucial in the city’s development has
been the Igbos, who make up about one-fifth of the country’s 180
million population. Originating from the South East, members of the
Igbo community have made enormous contributions – particularly, but
not limited to trade and commerce – to the Lagos economy, which is
estimated to be the fifth largest in Africa.

However, when the Lagos@50 planning committee decided to pick
prominent individuals to be celebrated as exemplars of how ambition
and opportunity meet in Lagos, a land where nothing is impossible, not
a single Igbo was selected.

Major roads were decorated with pictures of prominent Nigerians, from
former governor Bola Tinubu, to rapper Olamide, to business mogul
Aliko Dangote, to bread-seller-turned-model Olajumoke Orisaguna. But
what could have been a welcome and inspiring concept immediately
turned sour as it became obvious that Igbo citizens were completely
overlooked.

A couple were added following the swift backlash, but the damage was
done. The state missed a golden opportunity to take the lead in
celebrating diversity and championing inclusivity.

“That they had to be reminded to celebrate us after all these years
shows exactly what they think of us,” says Orji, a 55-year-old
cosmetics dealer at the Igbo-dominated Trade Fair complex. “All they
are interested in is chasing us out of the city after we have made it
prosperous for them.”

Now aged 50, Lagos may be wearing a new look these days as
infrastructure continues to get a much needed face-lift. The Ambode
administration has continued with his predecessor’s preoccupation with
upgrading decaying infrastructure in keeping with the state’s
mega-city status. This includes the recent commissioning of “Jubilee
Bridges” in Ajah and Abule Egba to ease perennial traffic congestion
and the free Wi-Fi pilot programme kick-started at a public park in
the metropolis.

But as the state tries to forge forwards, the Lagos@50 celebrations
and their blindness towards the urban poor, the Igbo community and
other minorities exemplifies how many people are simply not part of
the government’s vision – how many people Lagos state is willing to
leave behind.

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