Amid silence, atrocities in Darfur have restarted
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By Ahmed H. ADAM
The 14-year conflict in Darfur is now entering a new and devastating phase.
The notorious Janjaweed militia – reconstituted as the Rapid Support
Forces (RSF) – is currently carrying out fresh scorched-earth
campaigns targeting non-Arab groups in the western Sudanese region.
On 19 May, government forces alongside the RSF clashed with armed
rebel movements. Witnesses and statements issued by area
representatives claim that, in the aftermath of that battle and amidst
ongoing fighting, the RSF and other tribal militias launched a
retributive campaign against civilians.
They describe the killings of dozens of people, the burning of more
than 50 villages, the looting of thousands of livestock, and mass
displacements in north, south and east Darfur. Radio Dabanga also
reported indiscriminate bombardment by the regime’s air forces around
Jebel Marra and Taweela localities.
Government forces and militias appear to be repeating the same tactics
that they used against civilian populations in Darfur in 2003-2004,
which in the view of this author and many other observers constitutes
genocide.
Arrest warrants
The Darfur conflict in the 2000s claimed an estimated 400,000 lives
and displaced millions. In 2009 and 2010, the International Criminal
Court issued two arrest warrants for Sudan’s President Omar al-Bashir
on charges of war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide.
The fact that al-Bashir remains at large and in office is a vivid
reminder that the United Nations Security Council and international
community lack the political will to execute the warrants.
The UN has similarly fallen short in the face of the recent
developments. The crippled UN and African Union Mission in Darfur
(UNAMID) has failed to respond to the atrocities and protect civilians
as mandated. Despite being one of the UN’s biggest and most expensive
missions, it has not reported and exposed the attacks on civilians.
Instead, UNAMID’s chief has repeated Sudan’s propaganda that the
conflict in Darfur has ended or is about to end.
The ongoing fighting belies such claims. The armed conflict is far
from over and violence will continue to rear its head until the root
causes of historical injustice and marginalisation are resolved.
RSF attacks in Darfur
The attacks on civilians began after pro-government forces clashed
with the Sudan Liberation Movement-Minni Minawi (SLM-MM) and the SLM
/Transitional Council led by Nimir Abdulrahman.
There are conflicting claims about how those battles on 19 May
started. Khartoum claims that the rebels entered Darfur from South
Sudan and Libya. The rebels insist the RSF attacked their positions
within Darfur.
Either way, al-Bashir seemed surprised by the tough encounter his
forces experienced and accusedEgypt of providing the rebel groups with
heavy weapons including tanks. He also accused South Sudan of
supporting the armed movements through logistics and training. Both
countries denied the unfounded allegations.
The RSF attacks on civilians that followed the clashes have been
carried out under the command of Lieutenant General Mohamed Hamdan
Daglo aka “Hemeti”. But they are allegedly orchestrated by Sudan’s top
political and security leadership. Reliable sources say that
Vice-president Hassabo M. Abdulrahman has intensified visits to Darfur
since 19 May.
Hassabo is widely perceived as the mobiliser, recruiter and
representative of the RSF at the presidential palace. Hassabo and
Hemeti both belong to the Mahariya clan of the Arab Rizeigat tribe of
East and South Darfur.
On 22 May, Governor of East Darfur State Anas Omer also added fuel to
the fire. In a video that was widely circulated on social media, he
claimed that a bullet costs seven Sudanese pounds and is worth more
than a rebel. He said that bullets should not be wasted on rebels who
should be left in the fields for hawks to devour.
In the past few weeks, the RSF and other tribal militias have
indiscriminately attacked Zaghawa and Fur villages. In Marla, Muzbad,
Um Baru, and Adoala and Ain Siro localities, they have rounded up
civilians suspected of supporting the armed movements and triggered a
new wave of displacement.
Many accuse Hemeti of waging an ethnically-motivated war of revenge
for losses suffered – including his brother and cousin – by targeting
innocent civilians.
Condemning the campaign
The Darfur Bar Association (DBA) and Darfur Relief and Documentation
Centre (DRDC) issued statements on 25 May and 29 May respectively
confirming reports of abuses against civilians, including arrests and
other arbitrary and extrajudicial measures. Among other things, they
called on the Sudanese government to treat prisoners of war according
to international law, disclose the names and location of detainees,
and allow their families and lawyers to visit them.
Sadly, DBA and DRDC are the only advocacy groups of which we are aware
that have so far spoken out. As fighting continues, other bodies need
to respond too.
For example, the UN Security Council should take immediate steps to
prevent the barbaric campaign against civilians, which constitutes a
clear breach of international law. The Trump Administration in the US
should repeal President Obama’s Executive Order that provisionally
lifted sanctions against Sudan in January 2017.
The African Union should respect the principles of its own
Constitutive Act and stop providing al-Bashir’s regime with political
and diplomatic protection. The European Union should stop any
rapprochement with Khartoum in accordance with its proclaimed
democratic values. The ICC should open new investigations into the
ongoing crimes and investigate their perpetrators. And the UN Human
Rights Council’s Independent Expert on Sudan should expose the
horrific violations.
As citizens of the world, we must condemn and act against those who
perpetrate crimes against humanity. They are crimes against every one
of us, and in Darfur, they are so far being committed with impunity
and under a pall of silence.
Ahmed H Adam is a Research Associate, SOAS School of Law University of London
The views expressed in the 'Comment and Analysis' section are s
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