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------------------------- Not
just a palace coup
Nepal is
cauldron of mass rebellion
By Sara Flounders The spectacular
assassination of most of the royal family of Nepal on June 2 is an extension of
a social crisis that has turned feudal Nepal on its head. Millions of workers and
peasants in one of the poorest countries in the world have shaken off centuries
of feudal oppression and have been in open revolt. Just days before the
royal assassinations, the capital city of Katmandu was paralyzed by a three-day
general strike demanding the resignation of Prime Minister Girija Koirala on
charges of corruption. The Communist Party of Nepal--United Marxist-Leninist
called the general strike in a bloc with five other left parties. Together they
hold almost half the seats in an unstable parliament and have been deadlocked
against the Nepal Congress Party on every fundamental class issue. Distribution of the land
to the peasants is the fundamental question in a country where 80 percent of
the people are engaged in subsistence agriculture. The small but powerful
landlord class has blocked any parliamentary solution to this burning issue. On
May 30 The Telegraph of Nepal predicted that the overwhelmingly successful general
strike "signals sudden collapse is imminent." Large parts of the rural
areas are in the hands of a communist insurgency. An armed struggle began in
February 1996 led by the Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist. This revolutionary
upheaval is a cause of great concern to the Indian bourgeoisie and to the
British and U.S. ruling classes. According to an article
in the Asia Times that appeared May 25, a week before the royal assassinations,
"35 districts in the country are affected by the insurgency ... in some
areas the Maoists run a parallel administration.... To date, the insurgency has
directly affected the lives of roughly two-thirds of Nepal's 24 million people.
The rapid expansion of their activities has raised concerns that the Maoists
might at some point be able to overturn the government." A palace
coup The explanation of the
assassinations first put forth in the Indian media is that 29-year-old Crown
Prince Dipendra, after an argument with his family over his marriage choice,
killed his father, King Birendra, his mother, Queen Aiswarya, and six other
member of the royal family before turning the gun on himself. The official
explanation is that an automatic weapon "exploded." These stories are not
believed by the masses of people. This is because it is widely known that the
entire government was collapsing in a political crisis, not in a marital
dispute. Over the past 50 years
the feudal landlord class in Nepal--backed by the British, U.S. and Indian
bourgeoisies--have again and again used the monarchy to dissolve a weak,
advisory parliament in times of crisis. The monarchy or royal court, as in
other feudal societies, represents and is tied to the interests of one or
another contending faction within the ruling class and is entangled in
alliances with competing outside forces. A rising chorus of the
propertied elite was demanding repressive action against the mass movement and
the parliamentary impasse. However, the decaying royal court seemed indecisive,
out of touch and unable to defend the property interests of the ruling class as
a whole. Some other member of the
royal family--such as the brother of the king, Prince Gyanendra, who
conveniently was not at the ill-fated Friday night dinner and is now the new king--may
have the backing of powerful internal or international forces. According to Nabun
Sapkota of the Revolutionary Anti-Imperialist Forum of Nepal, the reactionary
forces, both foreign and internal, are behind this old maneuver to play one
part of the royal family against the other. King Berandra is reported to have
been closer to the U.S. Other forces at the royal court, including Prime
Minister Koirala, have been closer to the Indian bourgeoisie. A debate was
raging among them over whether or not to use the army in addition to the police
to suppress the insurgency. Delhi is deeply concerned
because the guerrilla movement in Nepal is linked to several guerrilla wars in
India. King Birendra was
eulogized in the corporate media as a gentle, enlightened monarch, beloved by
his subjects. Nepal is described as a constitutional monarchy. Whatever his personal
characteristics, King Birendra ascended to the throne in 1972 as an absolute
monarch of an impoverished, backward feudal state. He did nothing to change
this situation. He dissolved parliament and closed all dissent. All political
parties were banned. Limited elections were allowed for what was only an
advisory government. Among
poorest in the world Although King Birendra
was educated at Harvard and his son Prince Dipendra was educated at Britain's
Eton College, he ruled as an absolute monarch over a population that is more
than 65 percent illiterate. The life expectancy of 51 years is among the lowest
in the world. Nepal has one of the highest levels of infant mortality and
malnutrition, with 72 percent of the population living within the United
Nations definition of extreme poverty. As the peasant insurgency
has grown, it has impacted on the lucrative international tourist trade and
expeditions to Mount Everest. Wealthy international
tourists trekking in Nepal are charmed by the quaint traditional life of
villagers in the Himalayan Mountains who live without electricity or plumbing. These peasants are tied
to and indebted to the landlords. Charms and prayers are their only protection
from disease. Society is divided by a rigid caste system. Illiteracy and the
lack of a national network of roads intensify rural isolation. Deeply cut
valleys divide ethnic groups. There are 25 different nationalities and seven
major languages along with 125 recorded languages. Only 14 percent of the
people have access to electricity. In 1990 militant street
protests in Katmandu grew into an explosive mass movement, finally forcing the
king to abdicate power and accept a constitution that made the royal family a
mere constitutional figurehead. Political parties were
legalized. Militant communist organizations, mass organizations and unions
recruited hundreds of thousands. The masses had taken the stage. British
and U.S. role Nepal had been a
semi-colony since the British invasion of 1816. The mountainous terrain made
total subjugation not practical for the British, but they used the highly
organized Gerker troops from Nepal as mercenaries to subjugate other peoples
throughout the British Empire. As an anti-China threat,
the U.S. government has for over 40 years pumped in millions of dollars to
maintain the Dalai Lama of Tibet and his whole entourage in exile in India,
including an office in Nepal. The Central Intelligence Agency spent many
millions training a Tibetan contra army. It spent nothing for the development
of Nepal. While the role of the
U.S. government in Nepal's present turmoil is not clear, it is important to note
that Nepal is a buffer state sandwiched between China and India. As the British
Empire has faded, U.S. imperialism has assumed the role of preventing
revolutionary upheaval. Royalty
and class stability In its early, progressive
period, the bourgeoisie in countries like Britain, the Netherlands, Belgium,
Sweden and Japan overthrew the old feudal order but then found it useful to
reinstate and keep on retainer, at great public expense, utterly worthless
royal families. A similar effort was made in Nepal. The feudal landlord class
and old nobility in Nepal, along with the Indian bourgeoisie and U.S. and
British imperialism, have all had a stake in preserving the archaic royal
family in Nepal. It is a powerful bulwark in maintaining class divisions and
private property. All the weight of
tradition protects the right of inheritance and sanctifies the gross inequality
in society. Both British and U.S. imperialism have protected, equipped and
trained the military for utterly corrupt dynasties throughout the Middle East
and Asia, from Kuwait, Morocco and Saudi Arabia to Thailand and Afghanistan. However, when such an
outmoded ruling structure is in danger of being swept away by a genuine
people's revolution, the imperialists may act to remove the most hated figures
and install carefully chosen "reformers" in order to stave off an
upheaval that would threaten their interests. But there is another
road. If the revolutionary workers' movement in the cities, led by several
different communist parties, and the communist insurgency in the countryside
can find common ground for collaboration, that would be a huge step toward
battering down all the reactionary forces that are holding back social and
economic development in Nepal. -
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