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Moscow Times
June 20, 2001

Ljubljana Low Point

By Gregory Feifer

Gregory Feifer is a Moscow-based fellow at the Institute of Current World
Affairs.

The amount of hoopla generated by summit meetings between the United States
and Russia often forces commentators to read as much as possible into the
events. It may be self-reinforcing: The hype somehow has to be justified.
After last weekend's meeting between U.S. President George W. Bush and
President Vladimir Putin in Slovenia, the spin boiled down to the general
opinion that the occasion constituted a positive step forward in bilateral
relations. Both leaders were lauded for agreeing to look beyond Cold
War-era relations and at the very least work toward reconciling a spate of
differences.

While I do not mean to deny that the summit was indeed a step away from
confrontation and toward cooperation, I think it merits mentioning that the
two leaders' rhetoric and body language also showed just how much relations
between the two countries have deteriorated. The fact that liberal and
conservative commentators � with a couple of notable exceptions �
unanimously declared the meeting a success only underlines the extent of
the estrangement between Washington and Moscow, chiefly because of the
amount of wishful thinking displayed.

No two presidents who really trust each other and are confident relations
will indeed improve between their countries would have waxed so effusive
about one another before the world media in Ljubljana. Bush spoke about the
end of the Cold War and declared that Russia is not America's enemy. (What
about the past 10 years in which Russia, for all its faults, was at least
ostensibly a pretty good friend?) Bush repeated ad nauseam that he trusts
Putin, going so far as to say he "was able to get a sense of his soul." Is
the dialogue between the two countries so bottlenecked that it needs the
U.S. president to transcend it by engaging in metaphysical communion?
Later, when asked by a reporter what he offered Putin in the meeting, Bush
answered, "logic." After some minutes of listening to the president's
confused rambling, the correspondent asked again, and again received
nothing but more embarrassing rambling.

Putin, by comparison, seemed a seasoned diplomat. Instead of confusion, he
stated the obvious. "Friends don't destroy each other," he said in response
to a question. "People who cooperate do not base peace on destruction."
Much of the discussion at the news conference following the meeting
centered on NATO expansion. The delicate fact is that the military alliance
does in fact function in opposition to Russia because it aims in part to
act as a guarantor of values and behavior antithetical to Russia's.

Bush knows that, of course. His administration has contributed its part to
souring the relations with its hard-line rhetoric. But instead of taking
real actions to demonstrate that Moscow must respect Western values if it
is to be accepted in the international community, the Bush White House has
resorted to fruitless rhetoric about Russia's diminished role on the world
stage. Instead of carrots to encourage Russia to end its brutal campaign in
Chechnya, for example, Washington offers provocation that has inflamed
Moscow's existing bias toward the United States. It has done so with such
counterproductive displays as U.S. Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld's
snubbing of then-Security Council chief Sergei Ivanov in Munich earlier
this year. For members of an administration purportedly interested in
protecting U.S. security, the Bush team could hardly have done more in so
little time to undermine it.

When it counts, such as during the summit, the Bush administration
evidently does little to actively encourage change in Russia. The usual
Republican bluster was not in evidence at Brdo Castle, and that does even
more to undermine America's position by showing it to be all bark and
little bite.

Putin, unlike Bush, has nothing to lose and everything to gain on the
diplomatic stage at this point. Russia has brought worsening relations with
the United States upon itself. Russian politicians, Putin not least among
them, have exploited the suffering and frustration of their subjects by
stoking general xenophobia and more direct anti-Americanism when it suits
their political ends. Moscow railed against NATO bombing in Yugoslavia in
1999, for example, accusing the United States of preparing an attack on
Russian soil. (Now that the Russian-backed dictator Slobodan Milosevic is
out of power, Putin seems to see no irony in preaching about combating
"intolerance and extremism" in the Balkans, as he did during his trip to
Belgrade after the summit last weekend.)

Putin's credentials as a hard liner are well established in Moscow. His
administration has brought back a measure of the fear and arbitrary power
once central to the functioning of the Soviet apparatus. When the president
acts magnanimously toward Bush on foreign soil � such as by offering
documentary proof that Russia had not initially seen NATO as an enemy � he
seems stronger at home for doing so. But if Putin's outward role echoes
that of Richard Nixon in China, it does not mean the role is substantively
the same.

U.S.-Russian relations are held hostage by leaders eager to please domestic
constituents. They say and do things at home they wouldn't dream of
engaging in face-to-face. That is a necessary part of diplomacy, but the
hypocrisy cheapens these moments of seeming reconciliation. When Bush and
Putin feel the need to assure each other of their personal decency, it
shows just how far apart the two really are.

Miroslav Antic,
http://www.antic.org/


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