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http://www.athensnews.gr/athweb/nathens.prnt_article?e=C&f=&t=01&m=A09&aa=1


The FYROM envoy says that there are four categories of
rebels, with most coming from the Kosovo Liberation
Army (KLA) in Kosovo "with the same name, uniforms and
modern weapons....When there are 40,000 KFOR troops in
Kosovo, can they ignore the existence of such a
mercenary camp?" 

Athens News
June 29, 2001
'Dirty game' in FYROM


Skopje's envoy in Athens blames ethnic Albanian
parties for promoting division of the country along
ethnic lines, says the EU is not dealing fairly      
with his government

BY GEORGE GILSON 
  
FYROM special police look at a US flag hanging from an
ethnic Albanian-owned house prior to searching for
insurgents in the recently captured ethnic Albanian
rebel stronghold of Aracinovo on June 27  

THE TRAGEDY of the Former Yugoslav Republic of
Macedonia (FYROM) is a typically Western one. Under
siege for four months by ethnic Albanian rebels - most
believed by the government to have entered FYROM from
Kosovo and elsewhere - the tiny Balkan republic on
June 25 faced a European Union ultimatum: either
compromise on rebel demands for a sweeping revision of
the country's Constitution to increase the Albanian
minority's rights or face a cut-off of desperately
needed EU funding. Austria even spoke of not ratifying
an April EU-FYROM stabilisation and association
agreement. The same day Nato - which had denounced the
rebels as "thugs" - acted as a security force for the
guerrillas, escorting them out of the town of
Aracinovo 10km from the capital, with their weapons no
less. 

For Ljupco Arsovski, Skopje's envoy to Athens (where
FYROM has a diplomatic liaison office rather than an
embassy), the EU stance is "unjust". But in an
exclusive interview with the Athens News, Arsovski
focuses his disappointment on his country's ethnic
Albanian parties, which he boldly accuses of engaging
in a "dirty game" by espousing the rebels'
unreasonable demands. He explains the desperation of
the country's Slav majority after four months of civil
unrest, with no end in sight. The envoy defends the
FYROM army's three-day pounding of Aracinovo and shows
understanding for the 5,000 demonstrators who stormed
parliament on June 25 to protest the evacuation of the
town by Nato forces, a sign that Western pressure
could prompt a backlash among Slavs. 

"This was a popular protest by the people, who have
seen things gradually deteriorate over the last four
months. Many want to help us, but the results are
extremely late in coming," Arsovski says, noting that
many protesters were refugees from Aracinovo and
police reservists angered at not being able to clear
out the rebels themselves. 

He feels the EU is not responding fairly in blaming
FYROM for the impasse in talks and pressuring the
government to compromise with guerrilla demands. "I
believe this is unjust. From the first day we said we
wanted peace and a political-diplomatic plan to solve
problems. That is why we didn't strike at all for
three weeks," Arsovski says. "We avoided a repeat of
the Milosevic scenario, by which we would be the bad
guys and the Albanians the victims." 

But Skopje also rejects EU Foreign Affairs
Commissioner Chris Patten's criticism that it unwisely
spent money on arms to protect the state. "When they
occupied two or three villages, you can wait a couple
of weeks, but then you must get arms," Arsovksi says.
"It is logical to fight and go to battle for your
territory. The cost of this is unimportant.
Independence has no price. Wherever something like
this arises, everyone will fight to evict the
terrorists and nationalists from the state." 

Reluctant to blame the EU for pressing for
constitutional reforms under an armed rebel
insurgency, Skopje's envoy accuses the two ethnic
Albanian political parties in the coalition government
of upping the ante with outlandish demands in an
effort to divide up the country along ethnic lines.
"We see that they want things that are out of touch
with reality and are accepted by no state in the
world," he says of demands for a constitutional
overhaul with recognition of the Albanians as a
constitutive ethnicity, establishment of Albanian as a
second official language of the state and an Albanian
deputy president with veto power. "I don't want to say
it, but we could turn into another Cyprus problem,"
Arsovski states, alluding to the excessive powers
given to the Turkish minority in the island's 1960
Constitution. "When you put such demands on the table,
it means that you want two states," he later adds. 

Arsovski admits that talking with the Albanian parties
"seems like" talking with the rebels because both have
nearly identical demands. "A very dirty game is being
played," says the diplomat. "Up to now, the two
Albanian parties have not openly stated that any
rebels from outside our state should leave. They just
said they want the clashes to stop." 

The FYROM envoy says there are four categories of
rebels, with most coming from the Kosovo Liberation
Army (KLA) in Kosovo "with the same name, uniforms and
modern weapons" (he largely blames the FYROM crisis on
chaos in Kosovo). He says the others are either
disgruntled Albanian nationalists who didn't fit into
FYROM parties, youths recruited in the villages and
finally mercenaries from Western European and Balkan
countries. Arsovski notes that no one denied Skopje
press reports (Vecer newspaper) of a mercenary camp in
Kosovo. "When there are 40,000 KFOR troops in Kosovo,
can they ignore the existence of such a mercenary
camp?" he asks, stressing that Albanians abroad fund
the rebels. He cites Balkan Stability Pact chief Bodo
Hobach's statement that one billion deutschmarks are
sent to Kosovo from Germany annually with no evidence
of investment on the ground. "There are also funds in
the US and Switzerland," Arsovski adds, noting his
government lacks the evidence to open the accounts. 

Arsovksi is reluctant to accept a Greek plan for an
international conference to resolve the crisis under
EU and US supervision, an idea embraced by the
Albanian parties. "The government wants the parties to
continue talks based on the Trajkovski plan. They
already started without foreigners. We believed we
could sort it out on our own. But when they demand to
change the whole state, that is contrary to all
treaties and EU criteria," Arsovski says. "If justice
and truth are on our side, we can succeed in showing
that you cannot make a deal with terrorist
nationalists." 

He suggests that the proportional representation of
Albanians in the civil service is the main concession
Slav parties are willing to make now, not sweeping
constitutional reforms. "When you start changing a
state's Constitution under pressure by the rebels and
the international community, we can't get very far.
Have you seen a Constitution being written under
pressure anywhere - for someone to go to another
country and tell them what to change? In the first
phase, we must see what Albanian demands we can accept
- like more of them in the civil service and more
rights for Albanians in local government. The issue is
how, where and in what respect the Constitution will
be revised and who will shoulder the responsibility
afterwards. Any inter-party settlement must be passed
by parliament," he says. 




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