http://www.nytimes.com/2003/06/07/arts/07BANK.html?pagewanted=print&position=

June 7, 2003

Striking It Poor: Oil as a Curse
By DAPHNE EVIATAR

The pipes are already laid in southern Chad, where they snake south 
underground through tropical forests from the oil fields of Doba to a 
marine terminal off the coast of neighboring Cameroon. At the port of 
Kribi, the 660-mile pipeline will empty up to 250,000 barrels a day 
of coveted crude into tankers waiting to transport the unctuous black 
gold to Western markets.

The largest energy infrastructure development in Africa, the 
Chad-Cameroon pipeline is to begin operation later this year. Built 
by a consortium of oil companies led by Exxon Mobil, it is expected 
to provide average annual revenue of $50 million. The World Bank 
Group has invested more than $180 million in the project, insisting 
that the pipeline's profits could significantly improve the lives of 
Chad's residents, most now living in squalor, by paying for services 
like health care, education, paved roads, electricity and sewer 
systems.

Many critics find that assessment surprising, given that scholarly 
studies for more than a decade have consistently warned of what is 
known as the resource curse: that developing countries whose 
economies depend on exporting oil, gas or extracted minerals are 
likely to be poor, authoritarian, corrupt and rocked by civil war. 
And now a draft of a report commissioned by the bank itself has 
essentially concluded that the bank's previous efforts to promote 
such projects in poor countries has done more harm than good.

Both former bank officials and outside academics have complained that 
bank policy often contradicts the expert research. "There's a big 
disconnect between World Bank operations and World Bank research, 
said William Easterly, an economics professor at New York University 
who spent more than a decade as a senior adviser at the bank. 
"There's almost an organizational feud between the research wing and 
the rest of the bank. The rest of the bank thinks research people are 
just talking about irrelevant things and don't know the reality of 
what's going on on the ground."

In this latest case, using the bank's own internal documents, the 
report's author, Melissa A. Thomas, found that the bank had for years 
focused on promoting foreign investment in these industries without 
considering how the countries' governments were managed and what they 
were likely to do with the money. As a result, she said, in most of 
the nations studied - Chile, Ecuador, Ghana, Kazakhstan, Papua New 
Guinea and Tanzania - the bank's work had not achieved its 
development goals.

Even when the bank made loans conditional on a country's promise to 
make public how it had spent its revenues, the projects did not 
produce economic benefits. Ms. Thomas, a political economist at the 
University of Maryland, concluded that the bank should stop financing 
these so-called extractive industries in countries "whose governments 
lack the capacity to benefit from or manage such investment."

Rashad Kaldany, director of the oil, gas, mining and chemicals 
department of the World Bank Group, said it was "awkward for me to 
comment," because the report was still a draft, but added: "We 
certainly feel that the issues of good governance and corruption are 
of paramount importance for development. This is what we're focusing 
on more and more in all our activities."

But scholars are skeptical. "You get the sense that the left hand 
doesn't know what the right hand is doing at the World Bank," said 
Scott Pegg, a political science professor at Indiana University. He 
relied on World Bank research for a recent report - commissioned by 
Oxfam America, Friends of the Earth, Environmental Defense, Catholic 
Relief Services and the Bank Information Center - that sharply 
criticizes the impact of extractive industries in Africa.

Academics hired by the bank have criticized its work before. Some of 
the most important research on the resource curse has been done by 
bank economists. In a pioneering 1988 book issued as a World Bank 
Research publication, "Oil Windfalls: Blessing or Curse?," Alan H. 
Gelb, chief economist for the bank's African regional office, found 
that contrary to assumptions popular at the time, oil wealth had made 
conditions in most countries worse. And Paul Collier, an Oxford 
University economics professor who now heads the bank's development 
research group, has demonstrated repeatedly that oil, gas and mining 
wealth has fueled brutal civil wars. Advocacy groups have used these 
findings to urge the bank to stop supporting oil and gas projects.

Bank officials say they have taken steps to respond to the failings 
pointed out by critics. Last year the bank began a formal review of 
its support for these industries.

"We said from the outset that if there's a broad consensus that these 
projects don't contribute to development, and if the World Bank 
Group's role is not clear or questionable, we would pull out," Mr. 
Kaldany said. But he added, "I feel confident we will be able to 
convince all stakeholders that there is a positive role for the bank 
to play."

At a conference on this issue held last month in Washington, Clive 
Armstrong, principal economist for the bank's oil, gas, mining and 
chemicals division, said the bank, for the first time, had made its 
loans to Chad on the condition that the country's notoriously corrupt 
government use the money earned by the pipeline for its people. "In 
Chad, we've gone as far as we can to ensure that revenues are used 
well," Mr. Armstrong said in a telephone interview.

To receive bank loans, Chad had to adopt anticorruption laws and 
promise to spend most of its oil money on projects like health care 
and rural development. It pledged to publish reports on how the funds 
were spent and to create an independent oversight committee to ensure 
that it followed the rules.

But critics in the academic world and at nonprofit groups point to 
large loopholes in the plan. Chad can unilaterally change the rules 
about allocation of oil revenues after five years, even though 
profits are not expected to start flowing until four years from now. 
The revenue law applies to the country's three existing oil fields, 
but not to future ones, and the criteria used to allocate the profits 
among the companies, the government and the different regions of the 
country are unclear.

Already, a bank inspection has disclosed a long list of areas in 
which the project has been violating bank rules and has warned that 
while pipeline construction is years ahead of schedule, the 
government lags far behind in carrying out the promised social and 
environmental programs. As Ms. Thomas wrote in her report about the 
Chad project, "It seems likely that the bank has underestimated the 
governance risks."

What is more, in a violation of its promise to spend the oil money on 
social services, Chad's president, Idriss DŽby, spent the first $4.5 
million he received in 2000 as a "signing bonus" from the oil 
companies to buy weapons to use against rebels.

Mr. Kaldany called Mr. DŽby's action "one big hiccup early on," but 
added: "After this was disclosed, we took a very active role. The 
president agreed to repay these funds and to use them as originally 
intended."

Bank officials add that without their involvement, the pipeline's 
impact would surely be worse. For the countries concerned, these 
industries are "seen as a major source of development," Mr. Armstrong 
said. "You can't realistically say, `Don't develop them.' The issue 
is: how can you make sure they're developed in a way that leads to 
positive benefits? That's what we're trying to do."

But some scholars disagree. Terry Lynn Karl, a political science 
professor at Stanford University and author of "The Paradox of 
Plenty: Oil Booms and Petro-States" (University of California, 1997), 
argues that Chad would be better off without the pipeline.

"Revenues flowing through incapable or corrupt structures will give 
you perverse outcomes," she said at the Washington conference. Not 
only is the money going to be put to bad use, she predicted, but 
encouraging dependence on natural resources also tends to result in 
corruption and a single-industry economy: "When the crisis comes, 
it's much worse than it would have been otherwise."

Mr. Easterly, who used to work at the bank, said that given their 
poor record, the bank should not finance these industries. "The bank 
can try to influence management of those natural resource revenues, 
but it doesn't have that much leverage," he said. "And its record on 
enforcing codes of conduct on the part of borrowing governments is 
dismal."

To some extent, the World Bank's limited ability to change 
governments is built into the institution. The bank was created in 
1944, along with the International Monetary Fund, to help finance the 
postwar reconstruction of Europe. The bank was conceived as a 
nonpolitical instrument that would lend money to governments and 
finance private investments based on technical economic 
considerations, Bruce Rich, a lawyer with Environmental Defense, 
explains in his book, "Mortgaging the Earth: The World Bank, 
Environmental Impoverishment and the Crisis of Development" (Beacon 
Press, 1994). Although over time the bank's focus has shifted to 
development, its original charter states that "political or other 
noneconomic influences" are strictly off limits.

For decades, a government's human rights abuses or rampant corruption 
were not supposed to affect lending decisions. As the bank's 
president, James D. Wolfensohn, has famously noted, corruption was 
long the forbidden "C-word" inside the bank. Although that climate 
had begun to change by the mid-1990's, it is still difficult for the 
institution - whose board consists of countries that finance and 
borrow from it - to criticize its members openly.

So, to some critics, the safeguards for the Chad project signal a 
step in the right direction. "There are some innovations in that 
program that I'd like to see used in other countries," said Michael 
Ross, professor of political science at the University of California 
at Los Angeles, who has written several articles showing the 
connection between a dependence on natural resources and poverty.

Mr. Armstrong acknowledges, however, that the bank is not likely to 
replicate such stringent conditions elsewhere. A bank report released 
in May recommends a purely voluntary strategy to reduce corruption 
and improve management of resource-dependent countries. A 
government's participation in the plan would not be a condition for 
receiving bank loans.

Critics are skeptical that such limited measures will work, and they 
complain that the bank is not really open to questioning its 
continuing support for oil, gas and mining projects.

As evidence, they point to a conference held in Bali, Indonesia, in 
April as part of the bank-sponsored "extractive industries review." 
There, members of 15 environmental and other advocacy organizations 
walked out in protest, claiming the process was a sham: the group of 
reviewers set up by the bank had already circulated its draft 
conclusions supporting the bank's oil, gas and mining investments, 
even though more conferences organized to gather information from 
concerned groups and individuals in Asia, the Middle East and Africa 
had not yet taken place.


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