http://www.motherjones.com/news/warwatch/index.html
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WMDoublespeak

"Iraq had a weapons program... Intelligence throughout the decade 
showed they had a weapons program. I am absolutely convinced, with 
time, we'll find out that they did have a weapons program."

That was President Bush on Monday, doing his best to brush aside the 
growing chorus of critics openly asking why the US has been unable to 
find the biological and chemical arms it invaded Iraq to dispose of. 
But those critics aren't going away, and the administration's 
attempts to soften its rhetoric and change the subject don't seem to 
be working.

Even Republicans on Capitol Hill are backpedaling, and now both the 
Senate Intelligence Committee and the Senate Armed Services Committee 
will begin closed-door hearings to review the administration's 
intelligence on Iraq. Of course, the Republican chairmen of the two 
committees are doing their best to low-ball the hearings -- they will 
be far less than the joint formal inquiry still being sought by many 
Democrats.

Just about everybody assumes that news will leak beyond the closed 
doors of the Senate hearing rooms, but the approach is still unlikely 
to satisfy Jules Witcover. The venerable Baltimore Sun columnist 
quips that, "in a few short months, President Bush has turned from 
being Paul Revere on the 'imminent threat' of Iraq's weapons of mass 
destruction into a patient teacher of recent history."
http://www.sunspot.net/news/opinion/oped/bal-op.witcover11jun11,0,6142 
81.column?coll=bal-oped-headlines
Not buying revisionist sales job on Iraqi weapons
Jules Witcover
But nobody argues that Iraq had such weapons in the past, Witcover reminds us.

"So the pertinent question has always been whether, as the Bush 
administration insisted in launching the invasion, those weapons were 
in hand and so ready for use as to constitute a clear and present 
danger requiring immediate military action.

Mr. Bush's latest expressions of conviction that the Iraqis had a 
'weapons program' seemed a distinction and a hedge from his earlier 
statement on Polish television that 'we found the weapons of mass 
destruction.' His reference was to the two mobile facilities 
suspected of being capable of producing deadly chemical or biological 
agents.

With reporters parsing his words as if he were Bill Clinton playing 
semantic games over his relationship with Monica Lewinsky, White 
House press secretary Ari Fleischer found it necessary to say that 
Mr. Bush, 'in saying programs, also applies to weapons,' and 'that 
includes everything knowable up to the opening shots of the war.'

In the absence of the discovery of such weapons, however, the 
president is now actively engaged in low-balling the WMD rationale 
for the war. In saying that history will conclude he made the 
'absolute right decision' in invading Iraq, he is substituting Iraqi 
'liberation' as his justification, itself a somewhat premature 
self-congratulation in light of the continued turmoil in the 
conquered country, including more U.S. military casualties."

The editorial page editors at the San Francisco Chronicle will also 
probably find the senators' closed-door approach unsatisfactory. In 
an editorial, the Chronicle argues that any such inquiry "must be 
vigorous and independent. The credibility of the Bush administration 
is at stake."
http://www.sfgate.com/cgi-bin/article.cgi?file=/chronicle/archive/2003 
/06/10/ED143232.DTL
Was Iraq war built on hype?

"The Bush administration should be held accountable for its stated 
rationale for the war to oust Saddam Hussein's regime in Iraq. The 
president and his top aides need to explain, to the satisfaction of 
an increasingly skeptical Congress and American public, their use of 
seemingly ambiguous and possibly dubious intelligence reports in 
building their case for war.

...

The war has certainly turned up abundant evidence that Hussein was a 
murderous tyrant who pillaged his country's oil wealth. But that 
point was never in doubt. The Bush administration went much further 
before the war, arguing that Hussein had the terrorist connections 
and the lethal means to pose a looming threat to the United States 
that could only be extinguished with a massive pre-emptive military 
attack."

Witcover and the Chronicle speak, rather diplomatically, of the 
president's credibility. Richard Gwynn of the Toronto Star at least 
puts it another way -- using the language most on the left are 
unafraid to employ. But Gwynn still gives the White House the benefit 
of the doubt -- claiming that there is not reason yet to brand Bush 
and his administration as "outright liars."
http://www.thestar.com/NASApp/cs/ContentServer?pagename=thestar/Layout 
/Article_Type1&c=Article&cid=1052251799774&call_pageid=968256290204&co 
l=968350116795
Bush's weapons of mass deception

"We are dealing with something less than lying but also something a 
good deal more than an honest mistake.

At best, Bush and aides such as Defence Secretary Donald Rumsfeld and 
Secretary of State Colin Powell may have been guilty of believing 
what they wanted to believe.

They wanted to depose Saddam Hussein and believed, genuinely, that 
his downfall could lead to a fundamental transformation of the Middle 
East. It would include the negotiation of a peace settlement between 
the Israelis and the Palestinians and the development of democracy in 
Iraq that could function as an alternative regional role model to 
Islamic militancy and terrorism.

...

To achieve it, Bush seized on the issue of weapons of mass 
destruction because it was politically saleable to the U.N. and to 
the American public. At the same time, officials, in agencies like 
the CIA, tailored analyses, as bureaucrats often do, to suit the 
needs of their superiors.

This is the best-case analysis of what has happened. The worst-case 
analysis is a lot worse. This is that there has been sustained 
deception, exaggeration and manipulation."

John Prados, writing on TomPaine.com, pretty much embraces that 
worst-case scenario. Comparing the administration to "a band of 
street hustlers hawking their three-card monte,"
http://www.tompaine.com/feature2.cfm/ID/8035
Hoodwinked
Prados argues that Washington has been constantly, if subtly, 
altering its arguments for war. Now, Prados writes, "Americans are 
beginning to realize they have been duped by a president in whom they 
have instilled immense trust."

"The administration's cleverness would be fascinating were it not so 
insidious, not so destructive of America's position in the world. In 
rapid succession we were told that: U.S. inspectors cannot find the 
weapons because looters carried away the evidence; Saddam had too 
long to hide them; that we never expected to find evidence; that the 
administration never claimed Iraq actually had such weapons. First it 
was supposed to be just a matter of time, then it was maybe because 
Saddam destroyed them."

Even war party pundits are starting to feel the heat -- if only 
indirectly. D.J. Tice, writing in the St. Paul Pioneer Press, insists 
that US invasion was still justified. Tice at least acknowledges that 
the president has a problem, but he believes it's simply a 
communication problem. Bush is in trouble, Tice argues, because he 
"has recoiled from explaining his policy plainly."
http://www.twincities.com/mld/pioneerpress/news/opinion/6057466.htm

"It certainly seems possible that Bush and company overstated, if not 
what they believed to be the case about WMDs, then at least how 
central the threat of such weapons was to their reasons for invading 
Iraq. It seems quite possible that the real reasons were 1. that the 
United States needed to decisively demonstrate its resolve to crush 
its enemies and 2. that Saddam was a brutal, trouble-making tyrant 
whose demise hardly anyone in the world would really regret.

The administration, it seems, couldn't figure out how to make this 
case. So it leaned heavily on the threat of doomsday weapons, 
something much closer to a conventional motive for war. In the 
process, it ran the risk that the weapons would not be there.

Fact is, a lack of candor has accounted for most of the 
administration's problems in justifying the war with Iraq. Bush 
began, early in 2002, persistently claiming he had not made up his 
mind about attacking Saddam, which probably wasn't true, and anyway 
wasn't widely believed. Then he behaved, for a time, as if it was of 
decisive importance that America won United Nations approval for an 
attack, which also wasn't the case.

Sometimes the oldest platitudes are the best guides. Honesty is the 
best policy, even (sometimes) while making war. Had he displayed 
greater candor about his decision to oust Saddam, Bush would have 
less of a credibility problem today."

Still, diminished presidential credibility may ultimately not be what 
derails Washington's unchecked global ambitions. While the most 
hawkish of Washington's pundit hawks would love to see the Bush 
administration truly go it alone, the Financial Times sensibly 
suggests that "the most significant consequences for Mr Bush could 
come not from what happens in Washington but what happens in London."
http://news.ft.com/servlet/ContentServer?pagename=FT.com/StoryFT/FullS 
tory&c=StoryFT&cid=1054965958676&p=1012571727162
WMD dispute highlights transatlantic differences
Even if Bush can dodge the post-war intelligence questions, his 
administration has likely lost its only significant ally.

"Ivo Daalder, a former White House director of European affairs now 
at the Brookings Institution, a Washington think-tank, said failure 
to find WMD in Iraq would simply bolster UK opponents of the war who 
said there was no imminent threat. That would make it far more 
difficult for Britain to support future US military actions.

'This has nothing to do with Washington. It has everything to do with 
what the US can do in the future abroad,' he said. 'It was the 
strength of Tony Blair's own personality and the credibility he had 
within his party that allowed him to go to war. And that's gone.'"



>http://www.house.gov/reform/min/pdfs_108/pdf_inves/pdf_admin_iraq_nuc 
>lear_evidence_june_10_let.pdf
>
>June 10, 2003
>
>The Honorable Condoleezza Rice
>Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs
>The White House
>Washington, DC 20500
>
>
>Dear Dr. Rice:
>
>    Since March 17, 2003, I have been trying without success to get 
>a direct answer to one simple question: Why did President Bush cite 
>forged evidence about Iraq's nuclear capabilities in his State of 
>the Union address?

<snip>


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