http://www.motherjones.com/news/feature/2003/11/ma_564_01.html

The Making of the Corporate Judiciary

How big business is quietly funding a judicial revolution in the 
nation's courts

By Michael Scherer

November/December 2003 Issue

* Community Rights Council
* People for the American Way
* Texans for Public Justice

Like many of President Bush's lower-court nominees, William H. Pryor 
Jr. has had a hand in just about every legal social theory that 
drives Senate Democrats to outrage. As the attorney general of 
Alabama, he pushed for the execution of the mentally retarded, 
compared homosexuality to bestiality, defended the posting of Bible 
quotes at the courthouse door, and advocated rescinding a portion of 
the Voting Rights Act. He called Roe v. Wade "the worst abomination 
of constitutional law in our history."

So when Pryor, a boyish 41-year-old, came before the Judiciary 
Committee in June wearing a carefully folded kerchief in his 
pin-striped suit, opposing senators clashed over whether such views 
disqualified him from the 11th Circuit Court of Appeals. Republicans, 
led by Utah Senator Orrin Hatch, praised Pryor's distinguished 
career, his numerous awards, and the hundreds of letters supporting 
his nomination. They tossed him softball questions about his 
"mainstream" approach to the law.

Democrats, by turn, hammered at Pryor's conservative social stands. 
Didn't it matter that he had once canceled a family vacation to 
Disney World to avoid a gay and lesbian event? Could someone who 
blamed the Supreme Court for "the slaughter of millions" fairly 
interpret the law? Did the only state attorney general to challenge 
the Violence Against Women Act deserve a lifetime appointment? "I 
don't understand, looking at your record, how one can conclude that 
you don't have an agenda," said Massachusetts Senator Edward Kennedy, 
leading the Democratic attack. It was a classic confrontation, one 
that has been repeated again and again with President Bush's judicial 
nominees.

But it also obscured the most important factor in Pryor's swift rise 
from Mobile, Alabama, to the national stage: his longtime courting of 
corporate America. "The business community must be engaged heavily in 
the election process as it affects legal and judicial offices," Pryor 
told business leaders in 1999, after refusing to join other attorneys 
general in lawsuits against the tobacco and gun industries. To 
facilitate that engagement, Pryor created a controversial group 
called the Republican Attorneys General Association, which skirted 
campaign-finance laws by allowing corporations to give unlimited 
checks anonymously to support the campaigns of Pryor and other 
"conservative and free market oriented Attorneys General."

With such activism, Pryor positioned himself in the vanguard of a 
stealth campaign by American business to change the way that state 
and federal law is interpreted. Since 1998, major corporations -- 
Home Depot, Wal-Mart, and the insurance giant AIG, to name a few -- 
have spent more than $100 million through front groups to remake 
courts that have long been a refuge for wronged consumers and 
employees. By targeting incumbent judges, they have tilted state 
supreme courts to pro-business majorities and ousted aggressive 
attorneys general. At the same time, corporate lobbyists have blitzed 
state legislators with tort-reform proposals, overseeing the passage 
of new laws in 24 states over the past year alone.

Now, with a sympathetic ear in the White House, corporate America is 
taking its legal agenda to the federal bench with a behind-the-scenes 
campaign of high-powered lobbying and interest-group advertising. 
Pryor is just one of the corporate stars. Several of President Bush's 
nominees to federal appeals and district courts -- and even White 
House Counsel Alberto Gonzales, a former Texas Supreme Court justice 
who now selects federal nominees for the president -- owe their 
careers to the support of the insurance, retail, and energy 
industries that got them elected on the state level.

The nominees' legal approaches have been nurtured by a string of 
corporate foundations that fund university programs and ideological 
groups like the Federalist Society. And their promotion to the 
federal bench coincides with an ambitious corporate legislative 
agenda, backed by more than 475 lobbyists, that seeks to force limits 
on jury awards and move lawsuits out of state courts, where judges 
historically have favored plaintiffs. In Congress, the House Majority 
Leader, Rep. Tom DeLay, has formed a working group on "judicial 
accountability" to push for the approval of the president's nominees 
and launch investigations of liberal federal judges. "What you have 
is a wholesale effort to hijack the federal judiciary," says Senator 
Richard Durbin, an Illinois Democrat and former corporate defense 
lawyer. "They clearly want to put in a more conservative judiciary 
and then start stacking the deck by removing more and more cases to 
the federal courts."





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