Hi Mike

First of all, now that I look:

http://news.bbc.co.uk/hi/english/world/africa/newsid_1775000/1775865.stm
BBC News | AFRICA |
Tuesday, 22 January, 2002, 19:14 GMT
Internet returns to Somalia

There's some useful information there in a sidebar, "Somalia, land in turmoil".

>OK...Somalia.

Interesting place. I'm really keen to know whether we'll go there or 
not, but there's no way of knowing that until the time comes. Quite a 
few other such places too.

>...a place where no industrialized country has recognized a coherent 
>government in 13 years and where these countries usually have no 
>hesitation in calling it "anarchy". I don't totally disagree.
>
>What makes Somalia so interesting (IMO) is that they've managed to 
>form a fiefdom whereby protection comes from the tribal elders 
>and so called "warlords" and skirmishes between tribes happen 
>regularly as a way of re-establishing territorial borders. 

It's always been that way, not much has really changed, conquest and 
colonialism and government were never much more than a different coat 
of paint.

The Somalis are an extraordinary people. They're a nation of poets. 
They could be the only nation of poets. Poets and warriors, like the 
feudal Japanese were (the Japanese are still poets). Feudal is the 
right word. Though of course there are Somalis in all walks of life 
now, they seem to be talented and capable people.

I'll post this article and come back to the rest in my next post. 
This was published in 1993, during the first crisis (which hasn't 
ever ended). You might recall that the Bad Guy at the time was a 
warlord named General Mohamed Farah Aidid. (By the way, I wrote this 
article three months before the mainstream press picked it up, though 
they all had men on the spot. I'd edited and produced this book on 
Somalia for Zed the year before: Divine Madness, Zed Books, 1992.)

Best

Keith


Hong Kong Standard
July 13, 1993

A tale of two monsters

Somali warlord Mohamed Farah Aidid has a role model - a 
warrior-priest who held off the British for 21 years, writes Keith 
Addison

General Mohamed Farah Aidid, once the commanding officer of a 
national army and Somaliland's ambassador to India, now has blood on 
his hands and a price on his head.

On Saturday the United Nations offered a Somalis-only reward of 
US$25,000 for information leading to Aidid's capture. It would take 
the average Somali 147 years to earn that much.

It might work - they might catch him (or kill him) tomorrow. But 
yesterday, the wily warlord was still at large in Mogadishu, in spite 
of a month of high-powered attempts by the UN peacekeeping forces to 
obliterate him. He says he's protected by God.

The two sides are locked in a deadly game of retaliation which each 
thinks the other started. Bombed but unscathed, Aidid retaliated with 
a double ambush of UN Pakistani soldiers, killing 24 and wounding 59. 
They were in Somalia to guard aid workers taking food to the starving 
millions against the likes of Aidid (who, when the two sides were 
still talking, had refused to allow the Pakistanis into the country).

Outraged, the UN Security Council authorised its 18,000 troops to 
"take all necessary steps", which translated into intensive air and 
ground attacks and house-to-house searches, which failed either to 
catch Aidid or to stop him.

The rising toll of innocent bystanders, especially women and 
children, killed by the UN (which says the gunmen use them as 
shields) sparked strong anti-foreigner feeling among the Somalis. 
Angry crowds demonstrated, and the Pakistanis opened fire on them, 
killing 20 and wounding 51.

"They give us food and they shoot us," a Somali said.

"Imperialist bootlickers," added Aidid's radio station. "The Somalis 
will fight to the last man. We do not want to become a new colony."

Aidid's urban guerilla attacks on UN "Blue Helmets" and civilian 
workers continued at the rate of two a day (they even attacked a US 
ship), the "clean, surgical" UN raids grew ever fiercer, and the 
people of Mogadishu angrier, until on Monday, two days after the UN 
posted its reward, following a UN attack, a Somali mob killed two 
Western journalists.

Italy's foreign minister called for a suspension of the UN combat 
operation, and the UN's role in Somalia came under intense 
international scrutiny.

Meanwhile, Aidid, unhurt and uncaptured, was said to be holding 
meetings with the elders of his clan.

This is all a modern remake of a hundred-year-old Somali movie. 
General Aidid's role model is an irksome warrior-poet-priest named 
Mohamed Abdulle Hassan, whose dervish horsemen held off the British 
colonisers for 21 years, up to 1920. He too was protected by God. The 
British called him the Mad Mullah, and he was a pain in the neck.

There is a long Somali tradition of being a pain in an infidel's 
neck. British explorer Richard Burton, encountering a caravan of 
herdsmen in East Africa 150 years ago, was warned by his guide: 
"Somalis - no good, each man his own Sultan."

Undeterred, Burton and John Speke set off to explore Somaliland in 
1855, but they were attacked by nomad warriors and Speke was badly 
wounded.

In 1898, only a year before the Mullah arose, Britain's Lord 
Kitchener finally crushed the 14-year Mahdist rebellion in 
neighbouring Sudan, which required a 25,000-man army equipped with 
the new Maxim machineguns. The new guns mowed down the Mahdi's 
dervishes, killing 10,000 of them, but they nearly won the battle 
anyway.

In Somaliland, with Kitchener now far away in South Africa fighting 
Boers, the nervous British picked a fight with the Mullah by accusing 
him of theft - but they wouldn't move against him until Maxim guns 
had been brought in from India.

However, the Mullah was not fazed by Maxim guns. His strategy was 
mobility, and the British simply couldn't catch him. He chose the 
ground, stretching the British supply lines to the limit. If he lost 
the battle he'd flee, and they would pursue - until their water ran 
out and they were forced to retreat. Then the dervishes would pick 
them off in a series of guerilla raids. Their vast technological 
superiority did the British little good. The Mullah made them look 
like a bulldog chasing a fox. He even captured three Maxim guns.

A British intelligence officer wrote in 1903: "Up to the present, the 
British forces in Somaliland have always done what the Mullah wished, 
and have carried out what he has prophesied. He always told his 
followers that they have only to kill a white man in any fight and 
that the English would immediately run away. At the actions of 
Ferdaddin, Erigo, Gumburo and Daratole, we have had officers killed 
and have had to retire, and have been unable to return to 
battlefields with reinforcements to face the Mullah again . . . "

Though Queen Victoria reigned over the British base at Berbera, the 
Mullah ruled the hinterland.

Mohamed Abdulle Hassan was a master strategist, a famous holy man, 
leader of a new and fiercely anti-foreign Sufi sect, a leading 
Islamic scholar and a great poet, in a nation of poets - the Somali 
nomad's grapevine is *made* of poetry (Aidid uses the radio). He was 
also a bloodthirsty monster who ruled by terror, via 200 fanatical 
followers - men like "Yusuf the Nose-Chopper" - who killed, maimed 
and tortured at his bidding. He also terrorised rival clans, or those 
who offended him.

In a way, he had little choice - the concept of a ruler was not one 
with which the individualistic, clannish and xenophopic Somalis were 
familiar, for each was his own Sultan. The Mullah's anti-foreign 
stance, his religious appeal and sheer charisma attracted followers, 
and he kept them obedient and united - and indeed loyal - by keeping 
them terrified. He was an improbable mixture of Shakespeare and 
Attila the Hun.

It might not be a coincidence that General Aidid, who holds together 
a fragile alignment of four clans, is accused by Amnesty 
International of atrocities and other grave human-rights abuses. Many 
of his countrymen blame him for most of the killings of tens of 
thousands of Somalis in the past 18 months. Amnesty says thousands of 
unarmed civilians, including women and children, have been murdered 
simply for belonging to a rival clan - and it holds the warlords as 
much to blame as the famine for the 300,000 Somalis, mostly children, 
who died of starvation last year. Aidid, too, is a monster.

The British finally conquered the Mullah in 1920, when they brought 
in World War 1 biplanes and bombed the old man in his desert 
fastness. The Mullah and his men had never seen aircraft before, and 
they fled in terror. "The sky could not be told from the earth!" the 
Mullah wrote in a subsequent lament. "What could a man do but run for 
his life?"

This was a mistake. The bombs did little damage, and if the dervishes 
had instead run back inside their fortified town they could have held 
the British forces off for months. But the Mullah panicked and took 
horse. And, old and fat though he now was, the British once again 
couldn't catch him. He died in his bed a year later, of the flu, 
surrounded by his devoted dervishes.

Today he is a legend, known by every Somali as a great resistance 
leader and the country's greatest poet. Post-independence Somalia 
erected a statue of him mounted on his horse, on a hill above 
Mogadishu. In 1991, as the nation plunged into chaos, the statue was 
toppled and sold for scrap, which Somali scholar Abdi Sheik-Abdi, who 
wrote the definitive book on the Mullah (Divine Madness, Zed Books, 
1992), called "an unmitigated death-blow to Somali nationalism and 
even nationhood".

General Aidid is no Mohamed Abdulle Hassan, but, unlike the Mad 
Mullah, he knows how to handle bombers. He does it the same way the 
Mullah handled Maxim guns: when they arrive, he is not there. If he 
succeeds in updating the Mullah's tactics, he could survive in 
Somalia longer than the UN.



>Within each of those borders, there seems to be relative calm (if 
>not destitution). Barring the technologies that give us civil 
>services and health care, I wonder if the number of homicides are 
>comparable to an inner city community in the US (i.e. Watts/LA, CA) 
>-- Different culture, different societal infrastructure but, similar 
>results (not including environmental impacts and lack of medical 
>care).

<snip>


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