PITU GOTRA CONTD   28524   29524 K RAJARAM IRS

The outcome of this Brahmanical transformation was quite extraordinary. A
thousand years after the establishment of the Maurya Empire (presumably a
catastrophe for the Brahmins), Brahmanical socio-political ideology
predominated in an immense geographical area, reaching from Vietnam and
Indonesia at one end to the western frontiers of the Indian subcontinent
and Afghanistan at the other. This dominating presence found expression in
various ways, including the use of Sanskrit, the sacred language of
Brahmanism, in political inscriptions, in courtly literature, and even in
an important part of the literature of Buddhism and Jainism. The American
researcher Sheldon Pollock (1996; 2006) has coined the term ‘Sanskrit
cosmopolis’ to designate this phenomenon. In order to understand the
incredible success of the Brahmanical vision of society and politics, it is
important to recall that it was not the outcome of political conquest or
colonization. Brahmanism spread by other means than the force of
arms—initially in the Indian subcontinent, then also into Southeast Asia. The
spread of Brahmanism is also not a mere matter of religious conversion. As
noted above, Brahmanism should not exclusively or even primarily be thought
of as a religion, but as a socio-political ideology with a variable
religious dimension. Rulers who adopted it, did not necessarily convert

from one religion to another, and Brahmanism had no missionaries in the
religious sense of the term. (Sheldon pollack)

     There are the well-known Kushanas dynasty coins with
(Gandhara-Afghanistan language) Oešo/Śiva standing near the bull and
bearing trident and lazo,[ “OHÞO is the only Brahmanic god occurring on
Kaniṣka’s coinage as frequently as Iranian deities.” (Lo Muzio 1996: 163).
17: Oešo was particularly popular with Vima Kadphises, who declares himself
a devotee of Sarvalokeśvara, and with Vāsudeva I, as appears from Göbl
(1984: 72–74; as well as early Śiva icons. We should also carefully
consider the reason why in the Mahabharata Śiva is called ‘the God from
Gandhāra’. An early schist image of Mahiṣamardinī comes from the site of
Muhammad Zai near Peshawar, and Saivite penetration goes as far as Surkh
Kotal in Bactria/Tokhāristān.  The relative invisibility of Bhāgavatas and
Pāśupatas in early Gandhāra depends on their taking root in rural areas
(especially the groups of Pāśupatas) and on the fact that the trading
class—an object of scorn for the authors of the early Kali Age
literature—did not find representation among them.

        Questions remain. What do we make of the Brahmins depicted in
Gandharan sculpture? After the entry of Yavanas of the Greek changes
occurred in these territories. The displacements from Gandara towards
Kashmir started . Presumably there are plenty of them. “Hermits and
ascetics, whether young or old, are always represented as typical Indian
Brahmins wearing the Indian dress or dhoti and shawl, while their hair is
arranged in a jaṭā-makuṭa or top-knot. They often carry a waterpot and
occasionally even their upavīta or ritual cord is indicated.” Elsewhere in
the same article she states (p. 33): “We can . . . draw some conclusions
from the frescoes discovered in Central Asia and Afghanistan which have
been preserved due to the dry climate of these areas. First of all there
are the early wall paintings from Miran in which the Indian elements stand
out clearly. In the later frescoes from Bamiyan, Kakrak, and Fondukistan
{dynasties} these are still obvious, especially at the last site. . . .
Mention may here be made only of the shading of the bodies producing
plastic effects, the attitude of the female figures, and such details as
the enormous ear-rings, the striped dresses and the upavīta running over
the lower right arm, a mannerism which can also be found in Indian
sculptures of about the same date.”92{all archaeological excavations at the
British periods) Harrison & Luczanits (2011: P84), similarly, speak of
a ‘Brāhmaṇa
type’ that “certainly derives from the iconography of Maitreya, the future
Buddha, which was already established shortly after the first Buddha images
were made. He is consistently represented with the loosely tied long hair
and a water-pot (Kamandalam) both signs of his last rebirth as a Brāhmaṇa”.
On the same page they mention Maitreya, then add: “or perhaps we should
say, the Brāhmaṇa type”, and: “or the Brāhmaṇa-type bodhisattva”.93 On p.
85 ( How slowly Buddhism changes the Brahmin cult being depicted as Buddha
as well as a Brahman) they state: “triadic compositions  in Gandhara
consistently balance the two bodhisattva types . . . the Brāhmaṇa and
kshatriya-type bodhisattvas . . .” The two types are contrasted on p. 83,
where we learn that the Brāhmaṇa type bodhisattva has loosely tied-up (but
uncovered) hair, whereas a kṣatriya type bodhisattva wears a turban. One
might ask how one can be certain that Brahmins are depicted in these
sculptures. For example, is the textual knowledge according to which
Maitreya will be born as a Brahmin perhaps projected back so as to allow
the conclusion that Maitreya must be depicted as a typical Brahmin, thus
providing us

with a depiction of a ‘typical Brahmin’ without any direct textual evidence
to support it?  But how certain can we be that these sculptures represent
‘typical Indian Brahmins’? The ritual cord (upavīta) may be a reason for
distrust.  Patrick Olivelle has pointed out in a recent article (2012) that
the sacred thread makes its appearance very late in Brahmanical literature.
It is not yet known to the Grhyasutras and the relatively early Apastamba
and Gautama Dharma sutras,  and is mentioned for the first time in the
Baudhāyana
and Vasiṣṭha Dharmasūtras, around the beginning of the Common Era. Does it

make sense to believe that this newly adopted Brahmanical feature found
artistic expression in regions as far removed from the Brahmanical
heartland as Central Asia and Afghanistan? Must we conclude that there was
a Brahmanical presence in those regions merely on the basis of this
presumed sacred thread? (or were there real declining of the Varna Brahmin,
moved the south and Buddhist and Yavana Brahmins being sculpted?)  Is it
not possible that others wore a similar thread, and that Brahmins culture
copied their example? Kreisel (1986: 104) draws attention to a sculpture of
Rudra whose sacred thread is a snake. Is it possible that the so-called
Brahmin ascetics are really Saiva ascetics who wear a real or symbolic
snake over one shoulder? {These questions remain unanswered; but
Afghanistan to day from the flying Brahmin place once in 3109 BCE, is
shrouded in the mystery, as to how, history drove out the Brahmin varna for
the displacements towards projected south bit by bit) It appears that Oesho
is sometimes depicted with a sacred thread on Kuṣāṇa coins. What is more,
Gandharan Bodhisattvas, too, can wear a single or multi-stranded amulet
cord that resembles, or is, a sacred thread May be premature and hasty to
draw conclusions from this uncertain evidence. Śiva is also known for his
hair-bun (kaparda), like the so-called Brahmins. Moreover, even
Bodhisattvas have a top hair knot, even though it is, according to Harry
Falk (2012a: 496), hidden in a cloth. Are we sure that ascetics with a
hair-bun have to be Brahmins? Or already they moved down south?  Another
point must be considered. The Buddha himself, according to the early
Buddhist scriptures, did frequently meet and discuss with Brahmins. One
consequence of this is that, whether or not there were Brahmins in
Gandhara, (400 BCE)  Brahmins would figure in scenes from the life of the
Buddha.101 They do figure in scenes depicted in Central Asia in connection
with the Buddha, as is a Jaina and even an Ājīvika who play roles in
canonical stories. In other words, a certain number of Brahmins is to be
expected in Gandharan art even if there were no Brahmins there. Answering
the question whether this accounts for all the Brahmins in Gandharan art of
the period close to the beginning of the

Common Era, is, once again, beyond my competence. It is to be kept in mind,
of course, that there had been Brahmins in Gandhāra, so the assumption that
there were still some around the beginning of the Common Era cannot be
totally discarded. It is however good to remember that the evidence in
support of such a presence is debatable. But with or without a physical
presence of Brahmins, Gandhara was no longer the centre of Brahmanical
culture it had once been. Indeed, it had become a region that Brahmins
avoided. AND WHY BRAHMINS STARTED MOVING DOWN IS BEGINNING TO EXPLAIN.

Alexander only visited the northwestern parts of the subcontinent, and
never reached the Ganges. He visited these northwestern parts at an early
date, less than a century and perhaps barely more than fifty years after
the death of the Buddha. To the best of our knowledge, the spread of
Buddhism seriously started under the Mauryas, that is, after Alexander. The
same can probably be said about Jainism. It is therefore highly unlikely
that there were Buddhists and Jainas in the regions visited by Alexander.
And yet, Alexander met ascetics, near Taxila. The naked sages he met have
become a topos {(The term "topos" has its roots in Greek. It is derived
from the Greek word "τόπος" (topos), which translates to "place" or
"location" in English. In various contexts, "topos" can refer to different
things:  I*n Philosophy and Rhetoric:* In philosophical and rhetorical
discourse, a "topos" refers to a common theme or argumentative strategy.
It's a standard rhetorical device or a "commonplace" used to make an
argument or support a particular point. In literature, particularly in the
study of narrative and storytelling, "topos" refers to a recurring motif,
theme, or convention in literature or storytelling.}  in Western classical
literature, so much so that it is probably impossible to derive much
detailed historical information about them from this literature. However,
one thing appears to be beyond reasonable doubt.  One of the Indian
ascetics, known by the name of Calanus (Kalanos), accompanied Alexander’s
army back into Persia. Having fallen ill, he then decided to take his own
life by voluntarily entering into a fire. This event was witnessed by
numerous soldiers from Alexander’s army, and recorded by several Alexander
historians.

    {Kalanos, also known as Kalanos or Calanus, was an ancient Indian
ascetic who gained prominence during the time of Alexander the Great's
invasion of the Indian subcontinent in the 4th century BCE. Here are some
details about Kalanos: Kalanos belonged to the sect of Indian philosophers
known as the Gymnosophists, who were renowned for their ascetic practices
and philosophical wisdom. The Gymnosophists lived a simple and austere
life, often practicing extreme forms of self-discipline and renunciation.
Kalanos is best known for his encounter with Alexander the Great. When
Alexander reached the Indian subcontinent and encountered the
Gymnosophists, including Kalanos, he was impressed by their way of life and
sought to engage them in philosophical discourse. Kalanos, in particular,
made a lasting impression on Alexander due to his wisdom and detachment
from worldly possessions.  According to historical accounts, Kalanos chose
to end his life through the practice of self-immolation (setting oneself on
fire) rather than face the physical decline that comes with old age and
illness. This act was seen as a demonstration of his commitment to his
ascetic ideals and his belief in the transience of human life. Kalanos's
act of self-immolation left a lasting impression on Alexander and his
companions, who were deeply moved by the ascetic's resolve and
philosophical conviction. Kalanos's story became legendary and has been
recounted in various historical texts and accounts of Alexander's campaigns
in the East.} Scholars have puzzled about this voluntary suicide, and have
wondered what light it might shed on Calanus’s sectarian affiliation. Religious
suicide is well known and accepted in Jainism, and there are cases known in
Buddhism. But, as pointed out above, Buddhism and Jainism do not enter into
the picture in the region of Taxila. Some scholars exclude Brahmanism, too,
arguing that suicide in fire is not part of Brahmanism. They end up
inventing otherwise unknown ascetic groups to explain the riddle. I think
it is worth our while to have a closer look at Brahmanism. After all,
Brahmanism was deeply preoccupied with the Vedic sacrificial fire, whose
victim was often looked upon as a substitute for the sacrificer.
“self-sacrifice is an all-but-ubiquitous theme in the ritual Brāhmaṇa
texts, the victim as well as other offerings being regularly equated with
the sacrificer”.In other words, the sacrificer is or can be the victim in
his own sacrifice, with the proviso that most often he is replaced by a
substitute; he is in any case himself sacrificed in his fire after his
physical death. Clearly there is here, at least in theory, a place for
sacrificers who decide to forego substitutes or who refuse to wait until
they die by natural causes. Sangam cult shows a custom, VADAKIRUNDU UYIR
NEETHAL.  Moreover, Hellenistic and Roman westerners had no difficulty
believing that Indians had the custom of incineration themselves; draws
attention to Zarmarus or            Zarmanochegas, who was a member of the
Indian embassy to Augustus at the end of the first century BCE
{Zarmanochegas, also known as Zarmanochegas or Zarmanochegas, is a figure
mentioned in ancient Greco-Roman accounts. Here are some details about
Zarmanochegas is described as an Indian gymnosophist or ascetic who lived
during the time of Alexander the Great's conquests in the 4th century BCE.
The term "gymnosophist" (MAY BE AGHORI) refers to a naked philosopher,
likely indicating that Zarmanochegas belonged to a sect of Indian ascetics
known for their renunciation of worldly possessions and simple way of life.
Zarmanochegas is said to have lived in a hermitage or cave, where he
pursued a life of asceticism and contemplation. Like Kalanos, another
Indian ascetic mentioned in historical accounts, Zarmanochegas is said to
have chosen to end his life through self-immolation rather than face the
infirmities of old age.}  and committed suicide by fire in Athens, and to
the Greek Cynic philosopher Peregrinus who imitated the Indian custom by
ascending a pyre at Olympia in 167 CE.

             There is, furthermore, a Vedic sacrifice called Śunaskarṇa,{ The
Sunaskarna sacrifice, also known as Sunaskara or Sunahsepa, is a
significant ritual mentioned in Hindu scriptures, particularly in the Rigveda
and some Brahmana texts. It revolves around the story of a young boy named
Sunahsepa and his sacrifice. Here are the key points about the Sunaskarna
sacrifice: The story of Sunahsepa is found in the Aitareya Brahmana and
other Vedic texts. According to the legend, Sunahsepa was the son of a sage
named Ajigarta. Due to circumstances, Ajigarta sold Sunahsepa to a king
named Harishchandra to be sacrificed. Sunahsepa willingly agreed to be the
sacrificial victim to save his family from poverty. Sunahsepa's sacrifice
is a tale of selflessness, devotion, and sacrifice. He underwent various
trials and tribulations but ultimately emerged victorious, and his life was
spared through divine intervention. His story is often cited as an example
of devotion and the triumph of righteousness over adversity. The Sunaskarna
sacrifice has ritual implications in Hindu tradition. It symbolizes the
concept of sacrifice and the importance of upholding one's dharma (duty)
even in the face of challenges. The story of Sunahsepa is often recounted
in the context of Vedic sacrifices and serves as a moral and spiritual
lesson.The Sunaskarna sacrifice is significant both historically and
symbolically. It reflects ancient Vedic beliefs and practices surrounding
sacrifice, devotion, and ethical conduct. The story of Sunahsepa continues
to be revered in Hindu tradition as a timeless example of courage,
selflessness, and divine grace.     in which the sacrificer takes his own
life by throwing himself into the fire.} This, at any rate, is the opinion
of Śabara, the author of the classical commentary (Mīmāṃsābhāṣya) of
Mīmāṃsā, the Brahmanical school of thought {which is translated by
Gangadhara Jha} that remained close to the Vedic scriptures. According to
Śabara, the  Śunaskarṇa sacrifice is prescribed by the injunction:
“Desiring one’s own death one should perform this sacrifice, if he wishes
that he should reach the Heavenly Region without any disease” (maraṇakāmo
hy etena yajeta, yaḥ kāmayetānāmayaḥ svargaṃ lokam iyām iti). The crucial
part of this sacrifice—the self-immolation of the sacrificer—is, again
according to Śabara, also prescribed by an injunction: “Then again, there
is the text— ‘When the Ārbhava has begun, the Sacrificer, having covered
the Uḍumbara post (sthambam) with a borderless piece of cloth, says—O
Brāhmaṇas, please complete this Sacrifice for me,—and enters the Fire’ ”
(api cedam āmnāyate, ārbhave prastūyamāna audumbarīṃ parito ‘daśena vāsasā
pariveṣṭya brāhmaṇāḥ parisamāpayata me yajñam iti saṃpreṣyāgniṃ
viśatīti).Hence Brahmin community sacrificed even its life for the welfare
of other varnas as evident from Rigvedam down the lane to Grhya sutras.
Gangadhar Jha and so many British authors had written about it all, where
brahmin dislocations and the sacrifices are witnessed; a small quantum for
the welfare of the 95% of the world population or maybe 99% .   K RAJARAM
IRS  28524     29524 TO BE CONTD.

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