Mr Rajaram,
I have read the forwarded article fully. What is the topic? What is deal with?
So many things non related are told. There is neither head nor tail. You have
titled Pitu Gotra. Subject told has nothing to do with Gotra.
Only thing I make out is about sacred thread.
The ritual cord (upavīta) may be a reason for distrust. Patrick Olivelle
haspointed out in a recent article (2012) that the sacred thread makes
itsappearance very late in Brahmanical literature. It is not yet known to the
Grhyasutras and the relatively early Apastamba and Gautama Dharma sutras, and
is mentioned for the first time in the Baudhāyana and Vasiṣṭha Dharmasūtras,
around thebeginning of the CommonEra.
You mean to say that Brahmins did not wore sacred thread earlier than
Baudhayana and Vasistha Dharmasutra period? What do you mean by the above ?
Gopalakrishnan
On Wednesday, 29 May, 2024 at 08:48:26 am IST, Rajaram Krishnamurthy
<[email protected]> wrote:
PITU GOTRA CONTD 28524 29524 K RAJARAM IRS
The outcome of thisBrahmanical transformation was quite extraordinary. A
thousand years after theestablishment of the Maurya Empire (presumably a
catastrophe for the Brahmins),Brahmanical socio-political ideology predominated
in an immense geographicalarea, reaching from Vietnam and Indonesia at one end
to the western frontiersof the Indian subcontinent and Afghanistan at the
other. This dominatingpresence found expression in various ways, including the
use of Sanskrit, thesacred language of Brahmanism, in political inscriptions,
in courtlyliterature, and even in an important part of the literature of
Buddhism andJainism. The American researcher Sheldon Pollock (1996;2006) has
coined theterm ‘Sanskrit cosmopolis’ to designate this phenomenon. In order
tounderstand the incredible success of the Brahmanical vision of society
andpolitics, it is important to recall that it was not the outcome of
politicalconquest or colonization. Brahmanism spread by other means than the
force ofarms—initially in the Indian subcontinent, then also into Southeast
Asia. The spread of Brahmanism is also nota mere matter of religious
conversion. As noted above, Brahmanism shouldnot exclusively or even primarily
be thought of as a religion, but as a socio-political ideology with a variable
religiousdimension. Rulers who adopted it, did not necessarily convert
from one religion to another,and Brahmanism had no missionaries in the
religious sense of the term. (Sheldonpollack)
There are the well-known Kushanas dynastycoins with (Gandhara-Afghanistan
language) Oešo/Śiva standing near the bull and bearing trident andlazo,[ “OHÞO
is the only Brahmanic god occurring on Kaniṣka’s coinage as frequentlyas
Iranian deities.” (Lo Muzio 1996: 163). 17: Oešo was particularly popularwith
Vima Kadphises, who declares himself a devotee of Sarvalokeśvara, and
withVāsudeva I, as appears from Göbl (1984: 72–74; as well as early Śiva icons.
Weshould also carefully consider the reason why in the MahabharataŚiva is
called ‘the God from Gandhāra’. An early schist image of Mahiṣamardinī comes
from the site of Muhammad Zai nearPeshawar, and Saivitepenetration goes as far
as Surkh Kotal in Bactria/Tokhāristān. The relative invisibility of Bhāgavatas
and Pāśupatas in early Gandhāra depends on their takingroot in rural areas
(especially the groups ofPāśupatas) and on the fact that the trading class—an
object of scorn forthe authors of the early Kali Age literature—did not find
representation amongthem.
Questions remain. What do we make ofthe Brahmins depicted in Gandharan
sculpture? After the entry of Yavanas of theGreek changes occurred in these
territories. The displacements from Gandaratowards Kashmir started . Presumably
there are plenty of them. “Hermits andascetics, whether young or old, are
always represented as typical IndianBrahmins wearing the Indian dress or dhoti
and shawl, while their hair isarranged in a jaṭā-makuṭa or top-knot. They often
carry a waterpot andoccasionally even their upavīta or ritual cord is
indicated.” Elsewhere in thesame article she states (p. 33): “We can . . . draw
some conclusions from the frescoes discovered in CentralAsia and Afghanistan
which have been preserved due to the dry climate of theseareas. First of all
there are the early wall paintings from Miran in which theIndian elements stand
out clearly. In the later frescoes from Bamiyan, Kakrak,and Fondukistan
{dynasties} these are still obvious, especially at the lastsite. . . . Mention
may here be made only of the shading of the bodiesproducing plastic effects,
the attitude of the female figures, and such detailsas the enormous ear-rings,
the striped dresses and the upavīta running over thelower right arm, a
mannerism which can also be found in Indian sculptures ofabout the same
date.”92{all archaeological excavations at the British periods) Harrison&
Luczanits (2011: P84), similarly, speak of a ‘Brāhmaṇa type’ that “certainly
derives fromthe iconography of Maitreya, the future Buddha, which was already
establishedshortly after the first Buddha images were made. He is consistently
representedwith the loosely tied long hair and a water-pot (Kamandalam) both
signs of hislast rebirth as a Brāhmaṇa”. On the same page they mention
Maitreya, then add: “or perhaps weshould say, the Brāhmaṇa type”, and: “or the
Brāhmaṇa-typebodhisattva”.93 On p. 85 ( How slowly Buddhism changes the Brahmin
cult beingdepicted as Buddha as well as a Brahman) they state: “triadic
compositions in Gandharaconsistently balance the two bodhisattva types . . .
the Brāhmaṇa and kshatriya-typebodhisattvas . . .” The two types are contrasted
on p. 83, where we learn thatthe Brāhmaṇa type bodhisattva has loosely tied-up
(but uncovered) hair, whereasa kṣatriya type bodhisattva wears a turban. One
might ask how one can be certain that Brahmins aredepicted in these sculptures.
For example, is the textual knowledge accordingto which Maitreya will be born
as a Brahmin perhaps projected back so as toallow the conclusion that Maitreya
must be depicted as a typical Brahmin, thusproviding us
with a depiction of a‘typical Brahmin’ without any direct textual evidence to
support it? But how certain can we be that thesesculptures represent ‘typical
Indian Brahmins’? The ritual cord (upavīta) may be a reason for distrust.
Patrick Olivelle haspointed out in a recent article (2012) that the sacred
thread makes itsappearance very late in Brahmanical literature. It is not yet
known to the Grhyasutras and the relatively early Apastamba and Gautama Dharma
sutras, and is mentioned for the first time in the Baudhāyana and Vasiṣṭha
Dharmasūtras, around thebeginning of the CommonEra. Does it
make sense to believe thatthis newly adopted Brahmanical feature found artistic
expression in regions asfar removed from the Brahmanical heartland as Central
Asia and Afghanistan? Must we conclude thatthere was a Brahmanical presence in
those regions merely on the basis of thispresumed sacred thread? (or were there
real declining of the Varna Brahmin,moved the south and Buddhist and Yavana
Brahmins being sculpted?) Is it not possible that others wore a similarthread,
and that Brahmins culture copied their example? Kreisel (1986: 104)draws
attention to a sculpture of Rudra whose sacred thread is a snake. Is itpossible
that the so-called Brahmin ascetics are really Saiva ascetics who weara real or
symbolic snake over one shoulder? {These questions remain unanswered;but
Afghanistan to day from the flying Brahmin place once in 3109 BCE, isshrouded
in the mystery, as to how, history drove out the Brahmin varna for
thedisplacements towards projected south bit by bit) It appears that Oesho
issometimes depicted with a sacred thread on Kuṣāṇa coins. What is
more,Gandharan Bodhisattvas, too, can wear a single or multi-stranded amulet
cord that resembles, or is, asacred thread May be premature and hasty to draw
conclusions from thisuncertain evidence. Śiva is also known for his hair-bun
(kaparda), like theso-called Brahmins. Moreover, even Bodhisattvas have a top
hair knot, eventhough it is, according to Harry Falk (2012a: 496), hidden in a
cloth. Are wesure that ascetics with a hair-bun have to be Brahmins? Or already
they moveddown south? Another point must beconsidered. The Buddha himself,
according to the earlyBuddhist scriptures, did frequently meet and discuss with
Brahmins. One consequenceof this is that, whether or not there were Brahmins in
Gandhara, (400 BCE) Brahmins would figure in scenes from the lifeof the
Buddha.101 They do figure in scenes depicted in Central Asia inconnection with
the Buddha, as is a Jaina and even an Ājīvika who play roles incanonical
stories. In other words, a certain number ofBrahmins is to be expected in
Gandharan art even if there were no Brahminsthere. Answering the question
whether this accounts for all the Brahminsin Gandharan art of the period close
to the beginning of the
Common Era, is, once again,beyond my competence. It is to be kept in mind, of
course, that there had beenBrahmins in Gandhāra, so the assumption that there
were still some around thebeginning of the Common Era cannot be totally
discarded. It is however good toremember that the evidence in support of such a
presence is debatable. But with or without aphysical presence of Brahmins,
Gandhara was no longer the centre of Brahmanicalculture it had once been.
Indeed, it had become a region that Brahmins avoided.AND WHY BRAHMINS STARTED
MOVING DOWN IS BEGINNING TO EXPLAIN.
Alexanderonly visited the northwestern parts of the subcontinent, and never
reached theGanges. He visited these northwestern parts at an early date, less
than acentury and perhaps barely more than fifty years after the death of the
Buddha.To the best of our knowledge, the spread of Buddhism seriously started
underthe Mauryas, that is, after Alexander. The same canprobably be said about
Jainism. It is therefore highly unlikely thatthere were Buddhists and Jainas in
the regions visited by Alexander. And yet, Alexander met ascetics, near Taxila.
Thenaked sages he met have become a topos {(The term "topos" has its roots in
Greek. It isderived from the Greek word "τόπος" (topos), which translates
to"place" or "location" in English. In various contexts,"topos" can refer to
different things: In Philosophy and Rhetoric: Inphilosophical and rhetorical
discourse, a "topos" refers to a commontheme or argumentative strategy. It's a
standard rhetorical device or a"commonplace" used to make an argument or
support a particular point.Inliterature, particularly in the study of narrative
and storytelling,"topos" refers to a recurring motif, theme, or convention
inliterature or storytelling.} in Westernclassical literature, so much so that
it is probably impossible to derive muchdetailed historical information about
them from this literature. However, one thing appears tobe beyond reasonable
doubt. One of the Indian ascetics, known by the name of Calanus(Kalanos),
accompanied Alexander’s army back into Persia. Having fallenill, he then
decided to take his own life by voluntarily entering into a fire.This event was
witnessed by numerous soldiers from Alexander’s army, andrecorded by several
Alexander historians.
{Kalanos, also known as Kalanos or Calanus,was an ancient Indian ascetic
who gained prominence during the time ofAlexander the Great's invasion of the
Indian subcontinent in the 4th centuryBCE. Here are some details about Kalanos:
Kalanos belonged to the sect ofIndian philosophers known as the Gymnosophists,
whowere renowned for their ascetic practices and philosophical wisdom.
TheGymnosophists lived a simple and austere life, often practicing extreme
formsof self-discipline and renunciation. Kalanos is best known for his
encounterwith Alexander the Great. When Alexander reached the Indian
subcontinent andencountered the Gymnosophists, including Kalanos, he was
impressed by their wayof life and sought to engage them in
philosophicaldiscourse. Kalanos, in particular, made a lasting impression
onAlexander due to his wisdom and detachment from worldly possessions.
According to historical accounts, Kalanoschose to end his life through the
practice of self-immolation (setting oneselfon fire) rather than face the
physical decline that comes with old age andillness. This act was seen as a
demonstration of his commitment to his asceticideals and his belief in the
transience of human life. Kalanos's act ofself-immolation left a lasting
impression on Alexander and his companions, whowere deeply moved by the
ascetic's resolve and philosophical conviction.Kalanos's story became legendary
and has been recounted in various historicaltexts and accounts of Alexander's
campaigns in the East.} Scholars have puzzledabout this voluntary suicide, and
have wondered what light it might shed onCalanus’s sectarian affiliation.
Religious suicide is wellknown and accepted in Jainism, and there are cases
known in Buddhism. But,as pointed out above, Buddhism and Jainism do not enter
into the picture in theregion of Taxila. Some scholars exclude Brahmanism,
too,arguing that suicide in fire is not part of Brahmanism. They end
upinventing otherwise unknown ascetic groups to explain the riddle. I think it
isworth our while to have a closer look at Brahmanism. After all, Brahmanism
wasdeeply preoccupied with the Vedic sacrificial fire, whose victim was
oftenlooked upon as a substitute for the sacrificer. “self-sacrifice is
anall-but-ubiquitous theme in the ritual Brāhmaṇa texts, the victim as well
asother offerings being regularly equated with the sacrificer”.In other
words,the sacrificer is or can be the victim in his own sacrifice, with the
provisothat most often he is replaced by a substitute; he is in any case
himselfsacrificed in his fire after his physical death. Clearly there is here,
atleast in theory, a place for sacrificers who decide to forego substitutes or
whorefuse to wait until they die by natural causes. Sangam cult shows a custom,
VADAKIRUNDU UYIR NEETHAL. Moreover, Hellenistic and Roman westerners hadno
difficulty believing that Indians had the custom of incineration
themselves;draws attention to Zarmarus or Zarmanochegas, who was a
member of the Indianembassy to Augustus at the end of the first century BCE
{Zarmanochegas, alsoknown as Zarmanochegas or Zarmanochegas, is a figure
mentioned in ancientGreco-Roman accounts. Here are some details about
Zarmanochegas is described asan Indian gymnosophist or ascetic who livedduring
the time of Alexander the Great's conquests in the 4th century BCE. Theterm
"gymnosophist" (MAY BE AGHORI) refersto a naked philosopher, likely indicating
that Zarmanochegas belonged to a sectof Indian ascetics known for their
renunciation of worldly possessions andsimple way of life. Zarmanochegas is
said to have lived in a hermitage or cave,where he pursued a life of asceticism
and contemplation. Like Kalanos, anotherIndian ascetic mentioned in historical
accounts, Zarmanochegas is said to havechosen to end his life through
self-immolation rather than face the infirmitiesof old age.} and committed
suicide byfire in Athens, and to the Greek Cynic philosopher Peregrinus who
imitated theIndian custom by ascending a pyre at Olympia in 167 CE.
There is, furthermore, a Vedicsacrifice called Śunaskarṇa,{
TheSunaskarna sacrifice, also known as Sunaskara or Sunahsepa, is a significant
ritual mentioned inHindu scriptures, particularly in the Rigveda and some
Brahmana texts. It revolves around the story of a youngboy named Sunahsepa and
his sacrifice. Here are the key points about theSunaskarna sacrifice: The story
of Sunahsepa is found in the Aitareya Brahmana and other Vedictexts. According
to the legend, Sunahsepa was the son of a sage named Ajigarta. Due
tocircumstances, Ajigarta soldSunahsepa to a king named Harishchandra to be
sacrificed. Sunahsepawillingly agreed to be the sacrificial victim to save his
family from poverty. Sunahsepa's sacrifice is atale of selflessness, devotion,
and sacrifice. He underwent various trials and tribulations butultimately
emerged victorious, and his life was spared through divineintervention. His
story is often cited as an example of devotion and thetriumph of righteousness
over adversity. The Sunaskarna sacrifice has ritualimplications in Hindu
tradition. It symbolizes the concept of sacrifice and theimportance of
upholding one's dharma (duty) even in the face of challenges. Thestory of
Sunahsepa is often recounted in the context of Vedic sacrifices andserves as a
moral and spiritual lesson.The Sunaskarna sacrifice is significantboth
historically and symbolically. It reflects ancient Vedic beliefs andpractices
surrounding sacrifice, devotion, and ethical conduct. The story ofSunahsepa
continues to be revered in Hindu tradition as a timeless example ofcourage,
selflessness, and divine grace. in which the sacrificer takes hisown life by
throwing himself into the fire.} This, at any rate, is the opinionof Śabara,
the author of the classicalcommentary (Mīmāṃsābhāṣya) of Mīmāṃsā, the
Brahmanicalschool of thought {which is translated by Gangadhara Jha} that
remainedclose to the Vedic scriptures. According to Śabara, the Śunaskarṇa
sacrifice is prescribed by theinjunction: “Desiring one’s own death one should
perform this sacrifice, if hewishes that he should reach the Heavenly Region
without any disease” (maraṇakāmohy etena yajeta, yaḥ kāmayetānāmayaḥ svargaṃ
lokam iyām iti). The crucial partof this sacrifice—the self-immolation of the
sacrificer—is, again according to Śabara,also prescribed by an injunction:
“Then again, there is the text— ‘When theĀrbhava has begun, the Sacrificer,
having covered the Uḍumbarapost (sthambam) with a borderless piece of cloth,
says—O Brāhmaṇas, pleasecomplete this Sacrifice for me,—and enters the Fire’ ”
(api cedam āmnāyate,ārbhave prastūyamāna audumbarīṃ parito ‘daśena vāsasā
pariveṣṭya brāhmaṇāḥparisamāpayata me yajñam iti saṃpreṣyāgniṃ viśatīti).Hence
Brahmin communitysacrificed even its life for the welfare of other varnas as
evident fromRigvedam down the lane to Grhya sutras. Gangadhar Jha and so many
Britishauthors had written about it all, where brahmin dislocations and the
sacrificesare witnessed; a small quantum for the welfare of the 95% of the
worldpopulation or maybe 99% . K RAJARAM IRS 28524 29524 TO BE CONTD.
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