Given the recent discussion on this article, thought this would be of interest to some.

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Boston Globe
By Jeff Jacoby, Globe Columnist, 07/26/99

`Deconstructing the Essential Father'' is the title of an article by two
psychologists - Louise Silverstein and Carl Auerbach - who set out to
show that fathers are not terribly important to the well-being of their
children and that traditional marriages are no better than any other
family arrangement. It isn't an especially impressive article. Its prose
is dry, its arguments are shallow, its conclusions are disproved by a
mass of scientific evidence, and its political bias is blatant - the
authors end by calling for a ''large-scale'' expansion of welfare and
electing more women to government.

What is remarkable about this article is where it appeared. It leads
the June 1999 issue of American Psychologist, the official journal of
the American Psychological Association. Every member of the APA
receives American Psychologist, which means that the nation's
foremost professional association of psychologists has given this
attack on fatherhood and marriage not only its imprimatur, but
extraordinary visibility. Why?

Certainly not for its science. Silverstein and Auerbach make it clear
that their purpose is not to report on the results of a dispassionate
inquiry. It is to rebut the conclusions of ''neoconservative'' social
scientists whose research demonstrates that the absence of fathers
in the lives of so many American children has led to a wide array of
serious social problems. The word ''neoconservative'' appears
repeatedly, and it isn't meant as a compliment. That would be fine if
the authors were writing for The Nation or Mother Jones. But
scientists writing for professional journals don't ordinarily attach
pejorative political labels to other scientists or their work.

Scientists also don't ordinarily admit that they have allowed their
politics to color their research and are using their research to
promote their politics. These authors do.

''We acknowledge that our reading of the scientific literature supports
our political agenda,'' they write. ''Our goal is to generate public
policy ... that supports the legitimacy of diverse family structures,
rather than policy that privileges the two-parent, heterosexual,
married family.''

Thus openly flying their colors, they trot out one shopworn claim after
another. When it comes to children's welfare, ''it is economics, not
marriage, that matters.'' Fathers do not make ''a unique and essential
contribution to child development.'' There are ''potential costs'' to
having a father in the home: He might blow the household budget by
''gambling, purchasing alcohol, cigarettes, or other nonessential
commodities.''

All in all, Silverstein and Auerbach assert, ''we do not find any
empirical support that marriage enhances fathering or that marriage
civilizes men and protects children.''

That statement appalls Wade Horn, a much-published psychologist
and president of the National Fatherhood Initiative. ''No empirical
support? There is a whole [scientific] literature attesting to the
importance of fathers and marriage.'' Married fathers spend far more
time with their children, on average, than those who aren't married.
Decades of research on the effects of marriage show that men tend
to drink less, use drugs less, carouse less, and work harder when
they become husbands. As for protecting children, countless studies
have found that children do better when they grow up in a two-parent
married household than in any other setting.

''Their statement - `we do not find any empirical support' - can only be
true,'' Horn says, ''if they've never read the literature.''

Marriage in America has never been weaker. In a report earlier this
month, the National Marriage Project at Rutgers University found that
the marriage rate has fallen 43 percent since 1960. The divorce rate
is near its all-time high. More than 50 percent of teenage girls now
think that having children out of wedlock can be a ''worthwhile
lifestyle.'' One outcome of these wrenching social shifts is that 22
million children - 40 percent of America's kids - live apart from their
fathers.

The consequences are not good. Intact two-parent families are rarely
perfect, of course. But they generally provide a far safer environment
for children than the alternatives.

Boys who grow up away from their fathers are twice as likely to end
up in prison. A girl raised by an unmarried or divorced mother - even
a white girl from a prosperous background - is five times more likely
to become a teen mother than a girl who grows up with both
biological parents. Teens from single-parent or stepparent homes are
more likely to possess drugs, own a weapon, or assault someone at
school than teens from intact families. Young children living with both
biological parents are at a much lower risk of physical or sexual
abuse than children in other living arrangements.

''Social science research is almost never conclusive,'' sociologist
David Popenoe, a noted expert on families, has written. ''There are
always methodological difficulties and stones left unturned. Yet in
three decades of work as a social scientist, I know of few other
bodies of data in which the weight of evidence is so decisively on one
side of the issue: on the whole, for children, two-parent families are
preferable to single-parent and stepfamilies.''

What Silverstein and Auerbach have written is not science. It is the
opposite: a political screed that ignores what science has proven.
Why would the American Psychological Association promote
something so shoddy?

''Our position on that,'' says the spokesperson at the APA, ''is
basically no comment.''

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