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Uri Avnery: The Johnny Procedure


Monday, 20 July 2009, 12:13 pm
Column: Uri Avnery 


The Johnny Procedure



Uri Avnery <http://www.scoop.co.nz/stories/HL0907/S00207.htm#a> , Gush
Shalom <http://www.gush-shalom.org/> 

LIKE THE ghost of Hamlet's father, the evil spirit of the Gaza War refuses
to leave us in peace. This week it came back to disturb the tranquility of
the chiefs of the state and the army. 

"Breaking the Silence", a group of courageous former combat soldiers,
published a report comprising the testimonies of 30 Gaza War fighters. A
hard-hitting report about actions that may be considered war crimes. 

The generals went automatically into denial mode. Why don't the soldiers
disclose their identity, they asked innocently. Why do they obscure their
faces in the video testimonies? Why do they hide their names and units? 

How can we be sure that they are not actors reading a text prepared for them
by the enemies of Israel? How do we know that this organization is not
manipulated by foreigners, who finance their actions? And anyhow, how do we
know that they are not lying out of spite? 

One can answer with a Hebrew adage: "It has the feel of Truth". Anyone who
has ever been a combat soldier in war, whatever war, recognizes at once the
truth in these reports. Each of them has met a soldier who is not ready to
return home without an X on his gun showing that he killed at least one
enemy. (One such person appears in my book "The Other Side of the Coin",
which was written 60 years ago and published in English last year as the
second part of "1948: A soldier's Tale".) We have been there. 

The testimonies about the use of phosphorus, about massive bombardment of
buildings, about "the neighbor procedure" (using civilians as human
shields), about killing "everything that moves", about the use of all
methods to avoid casualties on our side - all these corroborate earlier
testimonies about the Gaza War, there can be no reasonable doubt about their
authenticity. I learned from the report that the "neighbor procedure" is now
called "Johnny procedure", God knows why Johnny and not Ahmad. 

The height of hypocrisy is reached by the generals with their demand that
the soldiers come forward and lodge their complaints with their commanders,
so that the army can investigate them through the proper channels. 

First of all, we have already seen the farce of the army investigating
itself. 

Second, and this is the main point: only a person intent on becoming a
martyr would do so. A solder in a combat unit is a part of a tightly knit
group whose highest principle is loyalty to comrades and whose commandment
is "Thou shalt not squeal!" If he discloses questionable acts he has
witnessed, he will be considered a traitor and ostracized. His life will
become hell. He knows that all his superiors, from squad leader right up to
division commander, will persecute him. 

This call to go through "official channels" is a vile method of the generals
- members of the General Staff, Army Spokesmen, Army Lawyers - to divert the
discussion from the accusations themselves to the identity of the witnesses.
No less despicable are the tin soldiers called "military correspondents",
who collaborate with them. 

BUT BEFORE accusing the soldiers who committed the acts described in the
testimonies, one has to ask whether the decision to start the war did not
itself lead inevitably to the crimes. 

Professor Assa Kasher, the father of the army "Code of Ethics" and one of
the most ardent supporters of the Gaza War, asserted in an essay on this
subject that a state has the right to go to war only in self defense, and
only if the war constitutes "a last resort". "All alternative courses" to
attain the rightful aim "must have been exhausted". 

The official cause of the war was the launching from the Gaza Strip of
rockets against Southern Israeli towns and villages. It goes without saying
that it is the duty of the state to defend its citizens against missiles.
But had all the means to achieve this aim without war really been exhausted?
Kasher answers with a resounding "yes". His key argument is that "there is
no justification for demanding that Israel negotiate directly with a
terrorist organization that does not recognize it and denies its very right
to exist." 

This does not pass the test of logic. The aim of the negotiations was not
supposed to be the recognition by Hamas of the State of Israel and its right
to exist (who needs this anyway?) but getting them to stop launching
missiles at Israeli citizens. In such negotiations, the other side would
understandably have demanded the lifting of the blockade against the
population of the Gaza Strip and the opening of the supply passages. It is
reasonable to assume that it was possible to reach - with Egyptian help - an
agreement that would also have included the exchange of prisoners. 

No only was this course not exhausted - it was not even tried. The Israeli
government has consistently refused to negotiate with a "terrorist
organization" and even with the Palestinian Unity Government that was in
existence for some time and in which Hamas was represented. 

Therefore, the decision to start the War on Gaza, with a civilian population
of a million and a half, was unjustified even according to the criteria of
Kasher himself. "All the alternative courses" had not been exhausted, or
even attempted. 

But we all know that, apart from the official reason, there was also an
unofficial one: to topple the Hamas government in the Gaza Strip. In the
course of the war, official spokesmen stated that there was a need to attach
a "price tag" - in other words, to cause death and destruction not in order
to hurt the "terrorists" themselves (which would have been almost
impossible) but to turn the life of the civilian population into hell, so
they would rise up and overthrow Hamas. 

The immorality of this strategy is matched by its inefficacy: our own
experience has taught us that such methods only serve to harden the resolve
of the population and unite them around their courageous leadership. 

WAS IT at all possible to conduct this war without committing war crimes?
When a government decides to hurl its regular armed forces at a guerrilla
organization, which by its very nature fights from within the civilian
population, it is perfectly clear that terrible suffering will be caused to
that population. The argument that the harm caused to the population, and
the killing of over a thousand men, women and children was inevitable
should, by itself, have led to the conclusion that the decision to start
this was a terrible act right from the beginning. 

The Defense Establishment takes the easy way out. The ministers and generals
simply assert that they do not believe the Palestinian and international
reports about the death and destruction, stating that they are, again in
Kasher's words, "mistaken and false". Just to be sure, they decided to
boycott the UN commission that is currently investigating the war, headed by
a respected South African judge who is both a Jew and a Zionist. 

Assa Kasher is adopting a similar attitude when he says: "Somebody who does
not know all the details of an action cannot assess it in a serious,
professional and responsible way, and therefore should not do so, in spite
of all emotional or political temptations." He demands that we wait until
the Israeli army completes its investigations, before we even discuss the
matter. 

Really? Every organization that investigates itself lacks credibility, not
to mention a hierarchical body like the army. Moreover, the army does not -
and cannot - obtain testimony from the main eye-witnesses: the inhabitants
of Gaza. An investigation based only on the testimony of the perpetrators,
but not of the victims, is ridiculous. Now even the testimonies of the
soldiers of Breaking the Silence are discounted, because they cannot
disclose their identity. 

IN A war between a mighty army, equipped with the most sophisticated
weaponry in the world, and a guerrilla organization, some basic ethical
questions arise. How should the soldiers behave when faced with a structure
in which there are not only enemy fighters, which they are "allowed" to hit,
but also unarmed civilians, which they are "forbidden" to hit? 

Kasher cites several such situations. For example: a building in which there
are both "terrorists" and non-fighters. Should it be hit by aircraft or
artillery fire that will kill everybody, or should soldiers be sent in who
will risk their lives and kill only the fighters? His answer: there is no
justification for the risking of the lives of our soldiers in order to save
the lives of enemy civilians. An aerial or artillery attack must be
preferred. 

That does not answer the question about the use of the Air Force to destroy
hundreds of houses far enough from our soldiers that there was no danger
emanating from them, nor about the killing of scores of recruits of the
Palestinian civilian police on parade, nor about the killing of UN personnel
in food supply convoys. Nor about the illegal use of white phosphorus
against civilians, as described in the soldiers' testimonies gathered by
Breaking the Silence, and the use of depleted uranium and other carcinogenic
substances. 

The entire country experienced on live TV how a shell hit the apartment of a
doctor and wiped out almost all of his family. According to the testimony of
Palestinian civilians and international observers, many such incidents took
place. 

The Israeli army took great pride in its method of warning the inhabitants
by means of leaflets, phone calls and such, so as to induce them to flee.
But everyone - and first of all the warners themselves - knew that the
civilians had nowhere secure to escape to and that there were no clear and
safe escape routes. Indeed, many civilians were shot while trying to flee. 

WE SHALL not evade the hardest moral question of all: is it permissible to
risk the lives of our soldiers in order to save the old people, women and
children of the "enemy"? The answer of Assa Kasher, the ideologue of the
"Most Moral Army in the World", is unequivocal: it is absolutely forbidden
to risk the lives of the soldiers. The most telling sentence in his entire
essay is: "Therefore.the state must give preference to the lives of its
soldiers above the lives of the (unarmed) neighbors of a terrorist." 

These words should be read twice and three times, in order to grasp their
full implications. What is actually being said here is: if necessary to
avoid casualties among our soldiers, it is better to kill enemy civilians
without any limit. 

In retrospect, one can only be glad that the British soldiers, who fought
against the Irgun and the Stern Group, did not have an ethical guide like
Kasher. 

This is the principle that guided the Israeli army in the Gaza War, and, as
far as I know, this is a new doctrine: in order to avoid the loss of one
single soldier of ours, it is permissible to kill 10, 100 and even 1000
enemy civilians. War without casualties on our side. The numerical result
bears witness: more than 1000 people killed in Gaza, a third or two thirds
of them (depending on who you ask) civilians, women and children, as against
6 (six) Israeli soldiers killed by enemy fire. (Four more were killed by
"friendly" fire.) 

Kasher states explicitly that it is justified to kill a Palestinian child
who is in the company of a hundred "terrorists", because the "terrorists"
might kill children in Sderot. But in reality, it was a case of killing a
hundred children who were in the company of one "terrorist". 

If we strip this doctrine of all ornaments, what remains is a simple
principle: the state must protect the lives of its soldiers at any price,
without any limit or law. A war of zero casualties. That leads necessarily
to a tactic of killing every person and destroying every building that could
represent a danger to the soldiers, creating an empty space in front of the
advancing troops. 

Only one conclusion can be drawn from this: from now on, any Israeli
decision to start a war in a built-up area is a war crime, and the soldiers
who rise up against this crime should be honored. May they be blessed. 

*************

Uri Avnery is a journalist, peace activist, former member of the Knesset,
and leader of Gush Shalom <http://www.gush-shalom.org/> . He is a regular
contributor to Scoop <http://www.scoop.co.nz/> . You can email
correspondence to correspondence[at]gush-shalom.org. 

 

 

 

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