From: [email protected] [mailto:[email protected]] On Behalf Of WVNS
Sent: Monday, September 28, 2009 8:08 PM
To: [email protected]
Subject: [wvns] DYING TO PROTECT THE DRUGS

 

  

DYING TO PROTECT THE DRUGS BARONS
Craig Murray
http://www.thetruthseeker.co.uk/article.asp?ID=10215

This week the 64th British soldier to die in Afghanistan, Corporal Mike
Gilyeat, was buried. All the right things were said about this brave
soldier, just as, on current trends, they will be said about one or more of
his colleagues who follow him next week.

The alarming escalation of the casualty rate among British soldiers in
Afghanistan up to ten per cent led to discussion this week on whether it
could be fairly compared to casualty rates in the Second World War.

But the key question is this: what are our servicemen dying for? There are
glib answers to that: bringing democracy and development to Afghanistan,
supporting the government of President Hamid Karzai in its attempt to
establish order in the country, fighting the Taliban and preventing the
further spread of radical Islam into Pakistan.

But do these answers stand up to close analysis?

There has been too easy an acceptance of the lazy notion that the war in
Afghanistan is the 'good' war, while the war in Iraq is the 'bad' war, the
blunder. The origins of this view are not irrational. There was a logic to
attacking Afghanistan after 9/11.

Afghanistan was indeed the headquarters of Osama Bin Laden and his
organisation, who had been installed and financed there by the CIA to fight
the Soviets from 1979 until 1989. By comparison, the attack on Iraq which
was an enemy of Al Qaeda and no threat to us was plainly irrational in terms
of the official justification.

So the attack on Afghanistan has enjoyed a much greater sense of public
legitimacy. But the operation to remove Bin Laden was one thing. Six years
of occupation are clearly another.

Few seem to turn a hair at the officially expressed view that our occupation
of Afghanistan may last for decades.

Lib Dem leader Menzies Campbell has declared, fatuously, that the Afghan war
is 'winnable'.

Afghanistan was not militarily winnable by the British Empire at the height
of its supremacy. It was not winnable by Darius or Alexander, by Shah, Tsar
or Great Moghul. It could not be subdued by 240,000 Soviet troops. But what,
precisely, are we trying to win?

In six years, the occupation has wrought one massive transformation in
Afghanistan, a development so huge that it has increased Afghan GDP by 66
per cent and constitutes 40 per cent of the entire economy. That is a
startling achievement, by any standards. Yet we are not trumpeting it. Why
not?

The answer is this. The achievement is the highest harvests of opium the
world has ever seen.

The Taliban had reduced the opium crop to precisely nil. I would not
advocate their methods for doing this, which involved lopping bits, often
vital bits, off people. The Taliban were a bunch of mad and deeply
unpleasant religious fanatics. But one of the things they were vehemently
against was opium.

That is an inconvenient truth that our spin has managed to obscure. Nobody
has denied the sincerity of the Taliban's crazy religious zeal, and they
were as unlikely to sell you heroin as a bottle of Johnnie Walker.

They stamped out the opium trade, and impoverished and drove out the drug
warlords whose warring and rapacity had ruined what was left of the country
after the Soviet war.

That is about the only good thing you can say about the Taliban; there are
plenty of very bad things to say about them. But their suppression of the
opium trade and the drug barons is undeniable fact.

Now we are occupying the country, that has changed. According to the United
Nations, 2006 was the biggest opium harvest in history, smashing the
previous record by 60 per cent. This year will be even bigger.

Our economic achievement in Afghanistan goes well beyond the simple
production of raw opium. In fact Afghanistan no longer exports much raw
opium at all. It has succeeded in what our international aid efforts urge
every developing country to do. Afghanistan has gone into manufacturing and
'value-added' operations.

It now exports not opium, but heroin. Opium is converted into heroin on an
industrial scale, not in kitchens but in factories. Millions of gallons of
the chemicals needed for this process are shipped into Afghanistan by
tanker. The tankers and bulk opium lorries on the way to the factories share
the roads, improved by American aid, with Nato troops.

How can this have happened, and on this scale? The answer is simple. The
four largest players in the heroin business are all senior members of the
Afghan government the government that our soldiers are fighting and dying to
protect.

When we attacked Afghanistan, America bombed from the air while the CIA
paid, armed and equipped the dispirited warlord drug barons especially those
grouped in the Northern Alliance to do the ground occupation. We bombed the
Taliban and their allies into submission, while the warlords moved in to
claim the spoils. Then we made them ministers.

President Karzai is a good man. He has never had an opponent killed, which
may not sound like much but is highly unusual in this region and possibly
unique in an Afghan leader. But nobody really believes he is running the
country. He asked America to stop its recent bombing campaign in the south
because it was leading to an increase in support for the Taliban. The United
States simply ignored him. Above all, he has no control at all over the
warlords among his ministers and governors, each of whom runs his own
kingdom and whose primary concern is self-enrichment through heroin.

My knowledge of all this comes from my time as British Ambassador in
neighbouring Uzbekistan from 2002 until 2004. I stood at the Friendship
Bridge at Termez in 2003 and watched the Jeeps with blacked-out windows
bringing the heroin through from Afghanistan, en route to Europe.

I watched the tankers of chemicals roaring into Afghanistan.

Yet I could not persuade my country to do anything about it. Alexander
Litvinenko the former agent of the KGB, now the FSB, who died in London last
November after being poisoned with polonium 210 � had suffered the
same frustration over the same topic.

There are a number of theories as to why Litvinenko had to flee Russia. The
most popular blames his support for the theory that FSB agents planted bombs
in Russian apartment blocks to stir up anti-Chechen feeling.

But the truth is that his discoveries about the heroin trade were what put
his life in danger. Litvinenko was working for the KGB in St Petersburg in
2001 and 2002. He became concerned at the vast amounts of heroin coming from
Afghanistan, in particular from the fiefdom of the (now) Head of the Afghan
armed forces, General Abdul Rashid Dostum, in north and east Afghanistan.

Dostum is an Uzbek, and the heroin passes over the Friendship Bridge from
Afghanistan to Uzbekistan, where it is taken over by President Islam
Karimov's people. It is then shipped up the railway line, in bales of
cotton, to St Petersburg and Riga.

The heroin Jeeps run from General Dostum to President Karimov. The UK,
United States and Germany have all invested large sums in donating the most
sophisticated detection and screening equipment to the Uzbek customs centre
at Termez to stop the heroin coming through.

But the convoys of Jeeps running between Dostum and Karimov are simply waved
around the side of the facility.

Litvinenko uncovered the St Petersburg end and was stunned by the
involvement of the city authorities, local police and security services at
the most senior levels. He reported in detail to President Vladimir Putin.
Putin is, of course, from St Petersburg, and the people Litvinenko named
were among Putin's closest political allies. That is why Litvinenko, having
miscalculated badly, had to flee Russia.

I had as little luck as Litvinenko in trying to get official action against
this heroin trade. At the St Petersburg end he found those involved had the
top protection. In Afghanistan, General Dostum is vital to Karzai's
coalition, and to the West's pretence of a stable, democratic government.

Opium is produced all over Afghanistan, but especially in the north and
north-east Dostum's territory. Again, our Government's spin doctors have
tried hard to obscure this fact and make out that the bulk of the heroin is
produced in the tiny areas of the south under Taliban control. But these are
the most desolate, infertile rocky areas. It is a physical impossibility to
produce the bulk of the vast opium harvest there.

That General Dostum is head of the Afghan armed forces and Deputy Minister
of Defence is in itself a symbol of the bankruptcy of our policy. Dostum is
known for tying opponents to tank tracks and running them over. He crammed
prisoners into metal containers in the searing sun, causing scores to die of
heat and thirst.

Since we brought 'democracy' to Afghanistan, Dostum ordered an MP who
annoyed him to be pinned down while he attacked him. The sad thing is that
Dostum is probably not the worst of those comprising the Karzai government,
or the biggest drug smuggler among them.

Our Afghan policy is still victim to Tony Blair's simplistic world view and
his childish division of all conflicts into 'good guys' and 'bad guys'. The
truth is that there are seldom any good guys among those vying for power in
a country such as Afghanistan. To characterise the Karzai government as good
guys is sheer nonsense.

Why then do we continue to send our soldiers to die in Afghanistan? Our
presence in Afghanistan and Iraq is the greatest recruiting sergeant for
Islamic militants. As the great diplomat, soldier and adventurer
Lieutenant-Colonel Sir Alexander Burnes pointed out before his death in the
First Afghan War in 1841, there is no point in a military campaign in
Afghanistan as every time you beat them, you just swell their numbers. Our
only real achievement to date is falling street prices for heroin in London.

Remember this article next time you hear a politician calling for more
troops to go into Afghanistan. And when you hear of another brave British
life wasted there, remember you can add to the casualty figures all the
young lives ruined, made miserable or ended by heroin in the UK.

They, too, are casualties of our Afghan policy.

I think this is perhaps the most important thing I have published. It is
also worth noting that the Mail was the only mainstream paper which would
carry at the time my article exposing the fake maritime boundaries map. The
Guardian and Independent refused to stand against the "patriotic" flood of
lying propaganda. The Mail has since been totally vindicated. I think they
deserve full credit for continuing to take challenging material which
contradicts the official story.
www.craigmurray.org.uk/archives/2007/07/afghanistan.html

Craig Murray was the former British Ambassador to Uzbekistan. He was removed
from his post in October 2004, shortly after a leaked report in the
Financial Times quoted him as claiming that MI6 used intelligence provided
by Uzbek authorities through torture.

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