David Clark is a former Labour government adviser  [email protected]

 <http://www.arabnews.com/?page=7> Opinion
Tuesday, 7, March, 2006     
Intellectual
<http://www.arabnews.com/?page=7&section=0&article=78854&d=7&m=3&y=2006>
Thuggery in Anti-Semitism Charges 
David Clark, The Guardian 

 <http://www.arabnews.com/?page=7> Opinion
Friday, 26, November, 2004     
Perils
<http://www.arabnews.com/?page=7&section=0&article=55070&d=26&m=11&y=2004>
of Allowing Israel to Redefine Anti-Semitism 
Suraya Al-Shehry 

 <http://www.arabnews.com/?page=7> Opinion
Monday, 22, July, 2002     
Anti-Semitism
<http://www.arabnews.com/?page=7&section=0&article=17098&d=22&m=7&y=2002>
charges can no longer silence Israeli critics 
By Hassan Tahsin 

http://www.guardian.co.uk/comment/story/0,,1724459,00.html 

Accusations of anti-semitic chic are poisonous intellectual thuggery 

Attempts to brand the left as anti-Jewish because of its support of
Palestinian rights only make it harder to tackle genuine racism 

David Clark
Monday March 6, 2006
The Guardian <http://www.guardian.co.uk>  

If the past few weeks have demonstrated anything, it is the frequency with
which allegations of anti-semitism surface in modern political debate. Ken
Livingstone, the Church of England and the Guardian (over articles comparing
Israel and apartheid) are the most recent to find themselves in the firing
line. This is the backdrop against which an unofficial parliamentary inquiry
on anti-semitism under former Foreign Office minister Denis McShane
concludes its hearings in Westminster today. 

 

A sober reflection on the nature of the problem is badly needed to take the
sting out of the issue and establish groundrules that everyone can respect.
But there is a suspicion that others have a different objective. In
announcing the inquiry, John Mann, the MP who chairs the Parliamentary
Committee Against Anti-Semitism, said: "Anti-semitism is back in fashion and
can be found on the streets of Islington, Aldershot and Bethnal Green." This
is no random list: Bethnal Green is included because of its large Muslim
population, Aldershot because it is where a Jewish cemetery was desecrated
last year, and Islington because it is widely regarded as the spiritual home
of Britain's leftwing intelligentsia. It is this last group that has become
the target of particular vilification. 

 

Variants of this theme have become common since the breakdown of the Middle
East peace process, and especially since 9/11. The left is said to be in the
grip of what the rightwing American columnist George Will has called an
"anti-semitic chic". Instead of declaring its hatred of Jews openly, this
new antisemitism is expressed indirectly through criticism of Israel or even
opposition to Israel's right to exist as a Jewish state. A particularly
meretricious version suggests that opposition to American foreign policy, or
even criticism of neoconservatives, is really a coded form of anti-semitism.


 

This accusation isn't confined to the rough and tumble of the post-9/11
transatlantic debate, either. The normally measured Chief Rabbi, Jonathan
Sacks, has cited "a leftwing anti-American cognitive elite with strong
representation in the European media" as one of the main sources of
anti-semitism. He doesn't spell it out, but we all know who he means. The
argument is not just that there are individuals who harbour anti-semitic
views, but that something in the political culture or ideology of the left
predisposes it to anti-semitism. This is said to be the real reason why it
criticises Israel. 

 

There is no shortage of examples, from Karl Marx [who himself is a European
Jew] to George Orwell, of prominent leftwing figures making offensive
remarks about Jews. Instances of anti-capitalism spilling into "rich Jew"
bigotry are also well documented. More recently, Tam Dalyell blamed
government support for Israel on "a cabal of Jewish advisers" - comments
that were deservedly condemned. 

 

But these personal expressions of prejudice stand out precisely because they
conflict so sharply with the left's universalism and its opposition to
ethnic discrimination. A more sweeping charge is that this universalism is
itself a source of anti-semitism since, in its maximalist interpretation, it
denies Israel's right to be a Jewish state. But the few still calling for a
single "secular, democratic state" in the whole of historic Palestine are
making a statement about the inadmissibility of defining statehood according
to religious or ethnic criteria that they apply as a universal norm.
Impractical and idealistic this may be, but it is not anti-semitic, and it
is plainly dishonest to suggest it is. 

 

In any case, this is a minority view on the left, and has been for a long
time. Decolonisation forced the mainstream left to incorporate expressions
of national and ethnic identity into its worldview. The reaction of the
democratic left to Israel's creation was largely positive as a result. It
helped that Israel was governed from the left, but the example of a
persecuted people creating a successful, independent state inspired a
profound admiration for Zionism. 

 

So what changed? The answer is 1967 and Israel's subsequent emergence as a
power determined to annex territory beyond its legally recognised borders.
The unbearable truth is that the left that identifies with the Palestinians
today is largely the same left that identified with Israel in the 50s and
the 60s. Moreover, it does so for largely the same reason: instinctive
sympathy for the underdog. For some, the idea that anyone could see the
conflict in these terms is literally unthinkable, so they are forced to
impute to Israel's critics the motive of Jew-hatred. At best, this betrays a
lack of empathy - at worst, something less forgivable. From Golda Meir's
denial that the Palestinians existed to Ehud Barak's dismissal of them as
congenital liars, there is a long tradition of prejudice that regards the
Palestinians as lesser beings deserving of lesser rights. 

 

A more subtle argument accepts that Israel is open to criticism, but
complains that it is singled out to an extent that reveals an underlying
anti-Jewish prejudice. Or to put it another way: "Others get away with it,
so why can't Israel." Despite its cynicism, this argument deserves an
answer, and it is provided, as it happens, by Israel's staunchest
supporters. Israel, we are rightly reminded, is a democracy. Is it not
legitimate, therefore, to expect it to uphold the democratic values we share
in common? Far from being held to a higher standard, as its supporters often
protest, Israel seems to operate with a greater impunity, and to do so with
western acquiescence. This is the real reason why the issue is felt so
deeply on the left and why unofficial boycotts are emerging to fill the
moral void left by our feeble leaders. 

 

A final objection takes issue with the left's supposed "demonisation" of
Israel. Although often overdone, one suspects that comparisons with
apartheid provoke anger because they contain an uncomfortable element of
truth. More clear-cut are analogies with Nazi Germany. These should be
deplored on grounds of both historical truth and taste. But are they
anti-semitic as opposed to just plain obnoxious? Those who resort to them
know they are bogus, but they understand their shock value and hope to shame
and anger Israel and its supporters into modifying their behaviour. Indeed,
as a debating tactic, it is indistinguishable from the one deployed by those
levelling charges of anti-semitism against the left. They do it not because
they believe it, but because they know the left takes its anti-racism
seriously and is susceptible to this kind of blackmail. There has been
enough of this intellectual thuggery on both sides, and it's time someone
called a stop to it. 

 

This is one way in which the report of the parliamentary inquiry could
contribute something positive. Real anti-semitism is a serious and growing
problem, and there is a need for political consensus about how to tackle it.
But debate is poisoned and consensus becomes difficult when allegations of
anti-semitism are bandied about for reasons that have nothing to do with
fighting racism. An inquiry that wants to confront anti-semitism should also
confront those who cheapen the term through reckless misuse. 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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