Staking a Claim
China Flexes Economic Muscle
Throughout Burgeoning Africa
Beijing Forges Deep Alliances
With War-Torn Nations,
Countering U.S. Influence
A Dam Gets Built on the Nile
Throughout Burgeoning Africa
Beijing Forges Deep Alliances
With War-Torn Nations,
Countering U.S. Influence
A Dam Gets Built on the Nile
By KARBY LEGGETT
Staff Reporter of THE WALL STREET JOURNAL
March 29, 2005
Staff Reporter of THE WALL STREET JOURNAL
March 29, 2005
ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia -- When this east African country went to war
against neighboring Eritrea in the late 1990s, the U.S. responded by
evacuating its Peace Corps volunteers, scaling back military aid and
issuing a security warning to U.S. citizens and companies.
The Chinese government had a different reaction. Beijing saw the war --
and the reduced U.S. presence -- as an opportunity to expand its
influence. It dispatched even more diplomats, engineers, businessmen
and teachers to Ethiopia. New aid grants soon rolled in, followed by
bank credits for Chinese companies operating there.
and the reduced U.S. presence -- as an opportunity to expand its
influence. It dispatched even more diplomats, engineers, businessmen
and teachers to Ethiopia. New aid grants soon rolled in, followed by
bank credits for Chinese companies operating there.
Today, China's influence in Ethiopia is overwhelming. Its embassy is
among the largest in the country and hosts more high-level visits than
any Western mission. Chinese companies have become a dominant force,
building highways and bridges, power stations, mobile-phone networks,
schools and pharmaceutical plants. More recently, they have begun
exploring for oil and building at least one Ethiopian military
installation.
among the largest in the country and hosts more high-level visits than
any Western mission. Chinese companies have become a dominant force,
building highways and bridges, power stations, mobile-phone networks,
schools and pharmaceutical plants. More recently, they have begun
exploring for oil and building at least one Ethiopian military
installation.
It's all part of Beijing's broad push into Africa. Aiming to secure
access to the continent's vast natural resources, China is forging deep
economic, political and military ties with most of Africa's 54
countries. There's more at stake than just fuel for an economic
juggernaut, however, say senior Chinese officials, executives and
Western diplomats. In Africa, as in many other parts of the developing
world, China is redrawing geopolitical alliances in ways that help
propel China's rise as a global superpower. China is courting other
countries to support its plan to reassert political authority over
Taiwan and seeking a counterweight against U.S. power in global bodies
such as the United Nations. It's also thinking long-term, cultivating
desperately poor nations to serve as markets for its products decades
down the road.
access to the continent's vast natural resources, China is forging deep
economic, political and military ties with most of Africa's 54
countries. There's more at stake than just fuel for an economic
juggernaut, however, say senior Chinese officials, executives and
Western diplomats. In Africa, as in many other parts of the developing
world, China is redrawing geopolitical alliances in ways that help
propel China's rise as a global superpower. China is courting other
countries to support its plan to reassert political authority over
Taiwan and seeking a counterweight against U.S. power in global bodies
such as the United Nations. It's also thinking long-term, cultivating
desperately poor nations to serve as markets for its products decades
down the road.
For the U.S., China's Africa initiative poses new challenges. Despite a
landmark trade pact signed with Africa in 2000, U.S. influence has
leveled off in many African countries and in some cases declined. Now,
as Washington focuses its attention on the Middle East, it faces a
formidable player in a region key to future U.S. economic and security
interests.
landmark trade pact signed with Africa in 2000, U.S. influence has
leveled off in many African countries and in some cases declined. Now,
as Washington focuses its attention on the Middle East, it faces a
formidable player in a region key to future U.S. economic and security
interests.
In oil-rich Nigeria, China is rebuilding the railroad network. In
Rwanda, Chinese companies have paved more than 80% of the main roads.
In more than a dozen African countries, Chinese firms are searching for
oil and gas and rebuilding electricity grids and telephone networks.
Chinese companies own one of Zambia's largest copper mines and run a
major timber operation in Equatorial Guinea. In tiny Lesotho, Chinese
businessmen own and operate nearly half of all the supermarkets and a
handful of textile companies.
Rwanda, Chinese companies have paved more than 80% of the main roads.
In more than a dozen African countries, Chinese firms are searching for
oil and gas and rebuilding electricity grids and telephone networks.
Chinese companies own one of Zambia's largest copper mines and run a
major timber operation in Equatorial Guinea. In tiny Lesotho, Chinese
businessmen own and operate nearly half of all the supermarkets and a
handful of textile companies.
Though these interests stretch from massive state-funded projects to
small private ventures, they all share a common thread: Beijing's
policy of actively encouraging its companies and citizens to set up
shop in Africa at a record pace.
small private ventures, they all share a common thread: Beijing's
policy of actively encouraging its companies and citizens to set up
shop in Africa at a record pace.
"China has simply exploded into Africa, as in 'Katie-bar-the-door
stuff,' " says Walter Kansteiner, a former U.S. assistant secretary of
state for African affairs. Adds Rep. Ed Royce, a California Republican
and vice chairman of a House subcommittee that deals with Africa:
"China's increasing engagement in Africa is a concern and we need to
focus on it before Beijing becomes fully established."
stuff,' " says Walter Kansteiner, a former U.S. assistant secretary of
state for African affairs. Adds Rep. Ed Royce, a California Republican
and vice chairman of a House subcommittee that deals with Africa:
"China's increasing engagement in Africa is a concern and we need to
focus on it before Beijing becomes fully established."
Last year, Africa supplied more than 15% of U.S. oil imports, and the
figure is forecast to rise sharply in the decade ahead. Africa is also
becoming a major global supplier for metals, timber and other natural
resources.
figure is forecast to rise sharply in the decade ahead. Africa is also
becoming a major global supplier for metals, timber and other natural
resources.
Yet in some of Africa's most promising commodities markets, China is
now challenging U.S. and other Western firms for access to these goods.
Since 2000, China's trade with Africa has nearly tripled to almost $30
billion. Last year, China spent almost $10 billion on African oil,
accounting for nearly one-third of its total crude imports. That's
twice as much as it imported from Saudi Arabia, traditionally one of
Beijing's biggest suppliers. In oil-rich Angola, where ChevronTexaco
Corp. and Exxon Mobil Corp. have large operations, China has become a
major buyer and an increasingly active investor.
now challenging U.S. and other Western firms for access to these goods.
Since 2000, China's trade with Africa has nearly tripled to almost $30
billion. Last year, China spent almost $10 billion on African oil,
accounting for nearly one-third of its total crude imports. That's
twice as much as it imported from Saudi Arabia, traditionally one of
Beijing's biggest suppliers. In oil-rich Angola, where ChevronTexaco
Corp. and Exxon Mobil Corp. have large operations, China has become a
major buyer and an increasingly active investor.
Unlike the U.S., which bars U.S. companies from doing business with
some outlaw regimes, Beijing expresses no qualms about dealing with the
continent's most brutal and corrupt leaders. Instead, Chinese leaders
prefer to view their relationship through a North-South prism,
emphasizing the need for developing nations to band together against
the industrialized West. "China is ready to coordinate its positions
with African countries...with a view to safeguarding the legitimate
rights and interests of developing countries," said Chinese Premier Wen
Jiabao during a 2003 speech in Ethiopia.
some outlaw regimes, Beijing expresses no qualms about dealing with the
continent's most brutal and corrupt leaders. Instead, Chinese leaders
prefer to view their relationship through a North-South prism,
emphasizing the need for developing nations to band together against
the industrialized West. "China is ready to coordinate its positions
with African countries...with a view to safeguarding the legitimate
rights and interests of developing countries," said Chinese Premier Wen
Jiabao during a 2003 speech in Ethiopia.
What's more, many Chinese companies operating in Africa are
government-owned and less concerned with near-term profits. Indeed, by
reaching out to African leaders who are shunned by Western nations, and
throwing money at projects Western companies avoid, Chinese officials
and businessmen say they are able to secure more business deals and
build political influence at a far more rapid pace.
government-owned and less concerned with near-term profits. Indeed, by
reaching out to African leaders who are shunned by Western nations, and
throwing money at projects Western companies avoid, Chinese officials
and businessmen say they are able to secure more business deals and
build political influence at a far more rapid pace.
Consider Sudan, a war-torn nation set across from Saudi Arabia on the
coast of the Red Sea. In 1997, the U.S. passed a law barring U.S. oil
companies from investing there, saying Sudanese leaders had engaged in
human-rights abuses and sponsored terrorism. In the years that
followed, China invested more than $2 billion in Sudan's oil industry.
Today, Sudan provides China with nearly 5% of its annual oil imports.
Beijing, meantime, has become one of Sudan's largest arms suppliers,
according to foreign diplomats and aid workers in the region. China's
foreign affairs ministry declined to comment.
coast of the Red Sea. In 1997, the U.S. passed a law barring U.S. oil
companies from investing there, saying Sudanese leaders had engaged in
human-rights abuses and sponsored terrorism. In the years that
followed, China invested more than $2 billion in Sudan's oil industry.
Today, Sudan provides China with nearly 5% of its annual oil imports.
Beijing, meantime, has become one of Sudan's largest arms suppliers,
according to foreign diplomats and aid workers in the region. China's
foreign affairs ministry declined to comment.
More recently, the U.S. sought to impose United Nations sanctions on
Sudan amid continuing violence in the Darfur region, where
pro-government militiamen have raped and murdered civilians while
suppressing a rebel uprising. Beijing deflated these sanction efforts
by threatening to use its veto power in the U.N. Security Council. Yet
far from seeing itself as complicit in Sudanese violence, Beijing sees
the oil project as a symbol of China's reliability when others have
left. "It's part of our policy of long-term cooperation that helps both
sides," says Li Xiaobing, a senior Africa official at China's Ministry
of Commerce.
Sudan amid continuing violence in the Darfur region, where
pro-government militiamen have raped and murdered civilians while
suppressing a rebel uprising. Beijing deflated these sanction efforts
by threatening to use its veto power in the U.N. Security Council. Yet
far from seeing itself as complicit in Sudanese violence, Beijing sees
the oil project as a symbol of China's reliability when others have
left. "It's part of our policy of long-term cooperation that helps both
sides," says Li Xiaobing, a senior Africa official at China's Ministry
of Commerce.
A similar dynamic is now playing out in Zimbabwe. Over the past three
years, the U.S. and European Union imposed sanctions on Zimbabwe
President Robert Mugabe and dozens of his closest government officials.
In power for 25 years, Mr. Mugabe presides over what is widely regarded
as one of Africa's most corrupt and ruthless regimes. Human-rights
organizations and Western governments regularly cite his regime for its
use of arbitrary arrests, torture and murder to suppress political
dissent.
years, the U.S. and European Union imposed sanctions on Zimbabwe
President Robert Mugabe and dozens of his closest government officials.
In power for 25 years, Mr. Mugabe presides over what is widely regarded
as one of Africa's most corrupt and ruthless regimes. Human-rights
organizations and Western governments regularly cite his regime for its
use of arbitrary arrests, torture and murder to suppress political
dissent.
By sanctioning Zimbabwe, the U.S. and EU hoped to isolate and
ultimately unseat Mr. Mugabe. China, as a matter of policy, has worked
to blunt the impact, boosting aid and investment. Last year, it opened
direct flights between the two countries. Chinese leaders still afford
Mr. Mugabe huge respect. Since 1980, Beijing has invited the president
to China seven times, feting him at banquets. Dozens of Chinese
leaders, including former Communist part boss Jiang Zemin, have visited
him.
ultimately unseat Mr. Mugabe. China, as a matter of policy, has worked
to blunt the impact, boosting aid and investment. Last year, it opened
direct flights between the two countries. Chinese leaders still afford
Mr. Mugabe huge respect. Since 1980, Beijing has invited the president
to China seven times, feting him at banquets. Dozens of Chinese
leaders, including former Communist part boss Jiang Zemin, have visited
him.
The close ties are now paying dividends for such companies as China
National Aero-Technology Import and Export Corp., or Catic. A trading
company jointly owned by two large Chinese aerospace concerns, Catic
between 2003 and 2004 signed a series of contracts valued at $300
million to rebuild Zimbabwe's electricity grid. It has a raft of other
deals in the pipeline -- including possible military aircraft sales,
company officials say. "We see Zimbabwe as a great opportunity, a great
place to make money," says Wang Dawei, the company's vice president.
National Aero-Technology Import and Export Corp., or Catic. A trading
company jointly owned by two large Chinese aerospace concerns, Catic
between 2003 and 2004 signed a series of contracts valued at $300
million to rebuild Zimbabwe's electricity grid. It has a raft of other
deals in the pipeline -- including possible military aircraft sales,
company officials say. "We see Zimbabwe as a great opportunity, a great
place to make money," says Wang Dawei, the company's vice president.
A spokesman for China's Ministry of Foreign Affairs declined to discuss
Mr. Mugabe's human-rights record, saying "China and Zimbabwe have a
traditional friendship and a relationship based on cooperation."
Mr. Mugabe's human-rights record, saying "China and Zimbabwe have a
traditional friendship and a relationship based on cooperation."
There is also a softer side to China's pursuit of Africa, one that
could help Beijing if regimes that it's closely associated with, such
as Sudan and Zimbabwe, are toppled. In 2000, Beijing voluntarily waived
$1.2 billion in sovereign African debt and it recently agreed to bring
some 10,000 African students to China on scholarships. Across Africa,
it has dispatched hundreds of doctors and teachers in recent years.
could help Beijing if regimes that it's closely associated with, such
as Sudan and Zimbabwe, are toppled. In 2000, Beijing voluntarily waived
$1.2 billion in sovereign African debt and it recently agreed to bring
some 10,000 African students to China on scholarships. Across Africa,
it has dispatched hundreds of doctors and teachers in recent years.
China's ties to Africa date back to the 1950s, when Beijing threw its
support behind African independence movements as a way to counter U.S.
and Soviet influence in the region. These days, Beijing's emissaries to
Africa have swapped their uniforms and weapons for business suits and
name cards. In 2000, China established the pro-business China-Africa
Cooperation Forum with 44 African nations, paving the way for a
free-trade and investment pact with the region.
support behind African independence movements as a way to counter U.S.
and Soviet influence in the region. These days, Beijing's emissaries to
Africa have swapped their uniforms and weapons for business suits and
name cards. In 2000, China established the pro-business China-Africa
Cooperation Forum with 44 African nations, paving the way for a
free-trade and investment pact with the region.
Few countries have felt China's influence as much as Ethiopia. Though
China established relations with Ethiopia in 1970, ties were limited
until the mid-1990s. That's when Beijing initiated a broader push
across Africa in an effort to secure natural resources and political
influence on the continent.
China established relations with Ethiopia in 1970, ties were limited
until the mid-1990s. That's when Beijing initiated a broader push
across Africa in an effort to secure natural resources and political
influence on the continent.
A decade later, Ethiopia has become a reflection of China's wider
ambitions in Africa and the changes it portends for the region. A poor,
landlocked nation of 68 million people, Ethiopia lacks the vast natural
resources that have drawn China's interest in other countries. But it
has something else Beijing craves: geopolitical clout in the region.
Ethiopia is the source of the Blue Nile, the river that slakes Egypt's
thirst. It is the meeting ground between largely Muslim north Africa
and the Christian south. And it's the seat of the African Union, the
political body that represents the continent.
ambitions in Africa and the changes it portends for the region. A poor,
landlocked nation of 68 million people, Ethiopia lacks the vast natural
resources that have drawn China's interest in other countries. But it
has something else Beijing craves: geopolitical clout in the region.
Ethiopia is the source of the Blue Nile, the river that slakes Egypt's
thirst. It is the meeting ground between largely Muslim north Africa
and the Christian south. And it's the seat of the African Union, the
political body that represents the continent.
Wu Ping, a tall man in his mid-40s, was one of Beijing's pioneers in
Africa. In 1993, he was dispatched to Ethiopia by Catic, the state firm
rebuilding Zimbabwe's electricity grid. His simple orders: open a trade
company and develop political relationships. Mr. Wu began by selling
things like milling equipment for sugar cane. Later he branched into
tractors. Though he made little money, he forged close relations with
Ethiopian officials, partially, he says, by paying the occasional
bribe. "Sometimes it's the only way to get things done in Africa," he
says. A Catic spokesman in Beijing says the company has a strict
internal policy against paying bribes and denies it's a widespread
problem.
Africa. In 1993, he was dispatched to Ethiopia by Catic, the state firm
rebuilding Zimbabwe's electricity grid. His simple orders: open a trade
company and develop political relationships. Mr. Wu began by selling
things like milling equipment for sugar cane. Later he branched into
tractors. Though he made little money, he forged close relations with
Ethiopian officials, partially, he says, by paying the occasional
bribe. "Sometimes it's the only way to get things done in Africa," he
says. A Catic spokesman in Beijing says the company has a strict
internal policy against paying bribes and denies it's a widespread
problem.
Today, Mr. Wu cruises around Addis Ababa in a Toyota Land Cruiser and
presides over a growing business empire. His latest project: an $11
million airport hanger that, when complete later this year, will be
able to house the world's largest aircraft.
presides over a growing business empire. His latest project: an $11
million airport hanger that, when complete later this year, will be
able to house the world's largest aircraft.
To secure the contract, Mr. Wu beat out an Australian company by
deliberately underbidding the contract. Though he will lose money on
the deal, he says it's all part of Catic's strategy. "Almost every
African leader passes through this airport to attend meetings at the
African Union," he says, standing a short distance from dozens of
Chinese and African workers working at the construction site. "So they
will all see our hangar."
deliberately underbidding the contract. Though he will lose money on
the deal, he says it's all part of Catic's strategy. "Almost every
African leader passes through this airport to attend meetings at the
African Union," he says, standing a short distance from dozens of
Chinese and African workers working at the construction site. "So they
will all see our hangar."
Even more important, Mr. Wu says the owner of the hangar, Ethiopia Air,
is mulling a large order of propeller aircraft, and the hangar contract
has opened the door with officials who will play a role in that
decision. "That's my company's real goal in Africa -- to sell
airplanes, both commercial and military," he says.
is mulling a large order of propeller aircraft, and the hangar contract
has opened the door with officials who will play a role in that
decision. "That's my company's real goal in Africa -- to sell
airplanes, both commercial and military," he says.
Unlike Mr. Wu, Deng Guoping, general manager of China Road and Bridge
Corp. in Ethiopia, says he's not sure his company will ever make money
here. In the past six years, Mr. Guo has paved five highways stretching
more than 300 miles. Three more roads are under construction and he's
bidding on another three.
Corp. in Ethiopia, says he's not sure his company will ever make money
here. In the past six years, Mr. Guo has paved five highways stretching
more than 300 miles. Three more roads are under construction and he's
bidding on another three.
In all, Chinese contractors have stitched together a road network that
reaches Ethiopia's northern border with Sudan to the eastern seaport of
Djibouti to the southern border area with Kenya. China Road secured
most of its contracts through public tenders. Yet Mr. Deng says he is
instructed to slice projected profit margins so thin -- about 3% --
that losses are inevitable, given perennial cost overruns in Africa.
Western businesses, by contrast, typically pad bids with projected
profits of 15% and more. Even so, Mr. Deng has his eye on a range of
new projects, including water reservoirs, airport facilities and a
railway project. "We're a government company and the Chinese government
wants us here building things," he says.
reaches Ethiopia's northern border with Sudan to the eastern seaport of
Djibouti to the southern border area with Kenya. China Road secured
most of its contracts through public tenders. Yet Mr. Deng says he is
instructed to slice projected profit margins so thin -- about 3% --
that losses are inevitable, given perennial cost overruns in Africa.
Western businesses, by contrast, typically pad bids with projected
profits of 15% and more. Even so, Mr. Deng has his eye on a range of
new projects, including water reservoirs, airport facilities and a
railway project. "We're a government company and the Chinese government
wants us here building things," he says.
The U.S. still provides Ethiopia with more assistance than any other
nation, nearly $500 million last year. But for U.S. companies,
Ethiopia's small market, uncertain legal system and sometimes
fast-changing political currents make the country a risky place to do
business. One of the only U.S. companies with substantial business in
Ethiopia is Boeing Co., which supplies Ethiopia Air with the passenger
jets for its international routes.
nation, nearly $500 million last year. But for U.S. companies,
Ethiopia's small market, uncertain legal system and sometimes
fast-changing political currents make the country a risky place to do
business. One of the only U.S. companies with substantial business in
Ethiopia is Boeing Co., which supplies Ethiopia Air with the passenger
jets for its international routes.
In contrast, Chinese companies say these factors sometimes helps
advance Beijing's wider goals. The story of Jiangxi International
Economic and Technical Cooperation Co., another state firm active in
Ethiopia, explains how. A few years ago, a flood in Ethiopia left a few
hundred people homeless. Not long after, Beijing pledged about $4
million to build them new homes. It hired Jiangxi International as
contractor. At a ground breaking ceremony, China's ambassador and
Ethiopia officials shook hands and smiled for photographers.
advance Beijing's wider goals. The story of Jiangxi International
Economic and Technical Cooperation Co., another state firm active in
Ethiopia, explains how. A few years ago, a flood in Ethiopia left a few
hundred people homeless. Not long after, Beijing pledged about $4
million to build them new homes. It hired Jiangxi International as
contractor. At a ground breaking ceremony, China's ambassador and
Ethiopia officials shook hands and smiled for photographers.
About a year later, eight modern apartment buildings, each five floors
with pink walls and blue-trim windows, were completed. But the homeless
families never moved in. Instead, the complex was handed to Ethiopia's
Ministry of Defense, which used them to house its own personnel. Today,
a corrugated metal fence rings the complex, with a small group of
guards stationed at one corner. "We don't really care who uses it,"
says a senior executive at Jiangxi International, requesting his name
not be used. "It was a political task for us and so long as Ethiopia
officials are happy, our goal is fulfilled."
with pink walls and blue-trim windows, were completed. But the homeless
families never moved in. Instead, the complex was handed to Ethiopia's
Ministry of Defense, which used them to house its own personnel. Today,
a corrugated metal fence rings the complex, with a small group of
guards stationed at one corner. "We don't really care who uses it,"
says a senior executive at Jiangxi International, requesting his name
not be used. "It was a political task for us and so long as Ethiopia
officials are happy, our goal is fulfilled."
A spokesman for Ethiopia's Ministry of Defense said the flood victims
didn't like the apartments and were relocated to another neighborhood,
and that the Ministry later purchased the apartment block.
didn't like the apartments and were relocated to another neighborhood,
and that the Ministry later purchased the apartment block.
Lately, Beijing has begun winning projects that have geopolitical
relevance, such as Ethiopia's Takazee Dam -- a massive, $300 million
hydro-power station that is rising on the headwaters of the Blue Nile
River. Set deep in a mountainous region near the border with Sudan and
Eritrea, the Takazee Dam has been on Ethiopia's drawing board for over
a decade. But getting it off the ground hasn't been easy, thanks to
Egypt. Cairo has long feared any project that could affect the flow of
the Nile, viewing its own access to those waters as a matter of
national security. Indeed, so great was its concern over Takazee that
Egyptian officials have made clear that any attempt to divert Nile
water could result in military action, according to senior Chinese and
Egyptian officials.
relevance, such as Ethiopia's Takazee Dam -- a massive, $300 million
hydro-power station that is rising on the headwaters of the Blue Nile
River. Set deep in a mountainous region near the border with Sudan and
Eritrea, the Takazee Dam has been on Ethiopia's drawing board for over
a decade. But getting it off the ground hasn't been easy, thanks to
Egypt. Cairo has long feared any project that could affect the flow of
the Nile, viewing its own access to those waters as a matter of
national security. Indeed, so great was its concern over Takazee that
Egyptian officials have made clear that any attempt to divert Nile
water could result in military action, according to senior Chinese and
Egyptian officials.
That warning scared off the World Bank and other international
financial organizations, and also raised concern among potential
foreign contractors. Several years ago, Ethiopia announced it would
finance the project on its own. Though a handful of Western contractors
submitted bids, the Ethiopian government awarded the project to Chinese
companies. Since then, Egypt has taken a more low-key attitude toward
the dam. Chinese engineers say there are no immediate plans to divert
the dam's waters for other uses, such as irrigation.
financial organizations, and also raised concern among potential
foreign contractors. Several years ago, Ethiopia announced it would
finance the project on its own. Though a handful of Western contractors
submitted bids, the Ethiopian government awarded the project to Chinese
companies. Since then, Egypt has taken a more low-key attitude toward
the dam. Chinese engineers say there are no immediate plans to divert
the dam's waters for other uses, such as irrigation.
Today, the Takazee Dam is inching toward completion. Already, hundreds
of Chinese engineers have carved out a vast administrative camp, an
underground tunnel nearly a mile long and deep caves that will hold
massive power turbines. Later this year, they will begin pouring the
600-foot-high cement dam. Once complete, the Takazee dam will stand as
one of Africa's largest, and will help change the lives of those who
live in northern Ethiopia, where electricity is often nonexistent.
Ultimately, some of the power could be pooled into a regional power
grid.
of Chinese engineers have carved out a vast administrative camp, an
underground tunnel nearly a mile long and deep caves that will hold
massive power turbines. Later this year, they will begin pouring the
600-foot-high cement dam. Once complete, the Takazee dam will stand as
one of Africa's largest, and will help change the lives of those who
live in northern Ethiopia, where electricity is often nonexistent.
Ultimately, some of the power could be pooled into a regional power
grid.
That would allow neighboring countries to tap into the power. And it
would also further China's ambition of expanding oil and mineral
exploration in the region, particularly in southern Sudan. Says Girma
Biru, Ethiopia's Minister of Trade: "China has become our most reliable
partner and there is a lot we can learn from Beijing, not just in
economics but politics as well."
would also further China's ambition of expanding oil and mineral
exploration in the region, particularly in southern Sudan. Says Girma
Biru, Ethiopia's Minister of Trade: "China has become our most reliable
partner and there is a lot we can learn from Beijing, not just in
economics but politics as well."
Write to Karby Leggett at [EMAIL PROTECTED]
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